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aSiberjSiDe (CDucattonal jHonosrapl^iS 

EDITED BY HENRY SUZZALLO 

PRESIDENT OF THE UNIVERSITY OF WASHINGTON, SEATTLE 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

AN EXPERIMENT IN SOCIAL EDUCATION 

BY 

HARRIET E. TUELL, Ph.D. 

HEAD OF DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY 
SOMERVILLE HIGH SCHOOL, MASSACHUSETTS 

WITH CHAPTERS ON CHINA AND JAPAN 
By KENNETH SCOTT LATOURETTE, Ph.D. 

PROFESSOR OF HISTORY, DENISON U^IIVBRSITY, GRANVILLE, OHIO 




HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY 

BOSTON, NEW YORK AND CHICAGO 



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COPYRIGHT, 1920, BV HARRIET E. TUELL 
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED 



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MAH 2-3 1320 



CAMBRIDGE , MASSACHUSETTS 
U • S • A 



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CONTENTS 





Editor's Introduction .... 




, 


V 




Preface 


ix 




I. THE STUDY OF NATIONS 


I. 


The Method of Approach i 


2. 


The Fruits of Expebtence 8 




II. EUROPEAN NATIONS 


I. 


France 23 


2. 


England 






46 


3- 


Germany 






70 


4. 


Russia 






93 


5- 


Italy 






102 


r 


The Austro-Hungarian Empire 






108 


7 


Turkey and the Balkan States 






112 


S 


The "Study of Nations" and the Great 


r W^ 


iR 


118 



III. ORIENTAL NATIONS 

BY KENNETH SCOTT LATOURETTE 

1. C ^NA 

2. Japan 

IV. A NATION IN THE MAKING 

The PmLipPiNE Islands .... 

Bibliographical List 

Outline 



125 
137 

150 
175 
187 



EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION 

The American Nation has gradually recognized that 
the trend of world-events has swept it from a place 
of minor importance in international relations to a 
place of major influence in world affairs. On the one 
hand, its internal affairs have become so entangled 
with its neighbor-nations that it cannot longer solve 
its own problems without a due understanding of the 
national traditions, aspirations, and needs of the peo- 
ples surrounding it. On the other hand, it has become 
so powerful in the world's respect that it has with 
sudden compulsion been forced to assume, along 
with the other great societies of the earth, its full 
share of responsibility for world-civilization. 

Never again can the American people return to the 
narrowly national poHtical philosophy of the pre- 
Spanish War period. It cannot even fall back to 
the reticent poHcy of partial participation which it 
favored prior to the Great War. The fact of the in- 
terdependence of all nations, great and small, has 
been thrust upon the American people and its leaders 
with startling abruptness by the events of the past 
two years. Our country is somewhat amazed by its 
own prestige and influence. It realizes that it already 
carries a responsibihty much larger than its popular 

v 



EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION 

mind is trained to handle. It feels the immediate 
necessity of thorough preparation for its tasks. 

The first need is that the American people as a 
whole shall understand the other constituent peoples 
of the world with whose affairs it is inevitably con- 
cerned. Much understanding has already^ come to 
Americans, particularly to oiir adult citizens, during 
the discussions that have paralleled the great strife. 
But we are lacking in the basic point of view and 
background which a systematic school education 
might have given us in the appreciation of the nature 
of nationalities other than our own. The teaching of 
national civics in the public schools must be supple- 
mented by instruction in international civics based 
upon a comprehension of the factual differences of 
custom, tradition, and belief. The task is new and 
difficult, but a beginning should be made at once. 

It will not suffice that our diplomats and other 
political leaders comprehend the nations which sur- 
round us. In a democracy such as ours the most 
intelhgent and forceful leadership has no power inde- 
pendent of the popular will. Statesmen can only in- 
terpret and give form and procedure to pubHc opinion. 
The levels of wisdom from which unified national 
action may emerge are founded, first, upon the stock 
of information and attitude acquired in youth; and, 
second, upon the skill with which such resources of 
character and intelligence are in adult life applied to 
changing issues through current pubHc discussion. 

vi 



EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION 

The task of the schoolmaster is to create a founda- 
tion for international understanding. 

The volume here presented is devised as an aid to 
American school teachers who would begin to widen 
the civic horizons of their pupils. It emphasizes the 
larger facts, omitting multitudinous details which 
might obscure important things. It stresses point of 
view and method in gaining understanding and sug- 
gests ubiquitously the high importance of attitudes 
of appreciation and tolerance. Its treatments are 
typical and suggestive rather than comprehensive. 
It is written for the teacher who cares deeply about 
America and its international obHgation and who is 
devoted enough to shoulder another educational load 
for the welfare of mother-country and its neighboring 
world. 



PREFACE 

The "Study of Nations" is an experiment in social 
education through the medium of Modern History. 

History in the schools has recently been put on the 
defensive, challenged as a failure in its civic function. 
Its estabHshed theory, in the minds of its critics, 
crumbles for lack of definite social purpose. The tra- 
ditional aims, now questioned, were well defined by 
the Committee of Seven of the American Historical 
Association. Their report, indeed. The Study of His- 
tory in Schools ^^ has commonly been regarded as the 
Bible of the history teacher. It would seek by the 
study of history to develop in the pupil those quali- 
ties which make for individual power, ''good judg- 
ment," "a scientific habit of mind," "skill in extract- 
ing knowledge from the printed page," etc. In such 
a scheme, excellent for the development of scholarly 
method, the sentiments and ideals which govern 
group action are largely left to take care of themselves. 

Reforms and projects for reorganization are still 
tentative. One specific principle for experiment, how- 
ever, has emerged clearly. The high-school course in 
the history of modern nations should have one defi- 

' The Study of History in Schools. Report to the American His- 
torical Association of the Committee of Seven. The Macmillan 
Company. New York, 1899. 

ix 



PREFACE 

nite purpose — to give to the future citizens of the 
United States such training that they may be fitted 
to take, not an isolated, but a cooperative part in the 
great world movements of their time. 

The proposed course the "Study of Nations" is an 
outgrowth of various timely suggestions in this di- 
rection offered in the Report of the Committee on 
Social Studies of the National Education Associa- 
tion. The very nomenclature adopted by the Com- 
mittee indicates the social tendency of its recommen- 
dations. A '' Committee on Social Studies," it calls 
itself. The Social Studies in Secondary Education is 
the title of its report.^ Its platform, therefore, gives 
to the individualist purpose in education only a sec- 
ondary place. " The training of the i'ldividual as a 
member of society" is the duty which it lays upon 
the schools. History and civics, and so-called social 
studies, are to contribute to this end "through the 
development of an appreciation of the nature and 
laws of social life, a sense of the responsibility of the 
individual as a member of social groups, and the in- 
telligence and will to participate effectively in the 
promotion of social well-being." Above all else, the 
high-school pupil is to "acquire the social spirit." 

The objectives of the two reports are not mutually 

^ The Social Studies in Secondary Education. Report of the Com- 
mittee on Social Studies of the Commission on the Reorganization 
of Secondary Education of the National Education Association. 
Washington, D.C., 1916. 



PREFACE 

exclusive. In neither case are history teachers called 
upon to abandon the development of the individual 
boy or girl. An effective social group, all agree, can 
only be made of intelligent individuals. The report of 
the National Education Association Committee, how- 
ever, reflects more accurately than the other the ten- 
dency of contemporary thought and would seem to 
offer more constructive proposals for the need of the 
present day. 

The Committee on Social Studies, moreover, is 
more explicit in its suggestions than any previous 
authority. It not only outlines a plan of study for 
each of the four years of the high-school curriculum; it 
indicates in each case the definite social need which 
the course is designed to serve. Thus, in the teaching 
of American history, the object is ''to develop a 
vivid conception of American nationality, a strong 
and intelligent patriotism, and a keen sense of the re- 
sponsibility of every citizen for national efficiency." 
The history of foreign nations is intended to cultivate 
" a sympathetic understanding of such nations and 
their people, an intelligent appreciation of their con- 
tribution to civiHzation, and a just attitude toward 
them." 

Since the pubHcation of this report in 1916 the 
course of public events has emphasized even more 
sharply the need for training in the larger sympathies. 
With every month it becomes more apparent that an 
intelligent understanding of foreign conditions and 

xi 



PREFACE 

points of view will henceforth be requisite for effi- 
cient American citizenship. The very revelations of 
the draft have shown how great is the need for mutual 
understanding and forbearance between the various 
racial elements in our own country. In the conduct 
of foreign affairs great issues are at stake — " the self- 
determination of nations," the substitution of the 
''big brother idea" for the old imperialist policy to- 
ward small nationalities, the projects for leagues of 
nations. The highest aims of to-day's statesmanship 
depend for their fulfillment upon the breadth of vision 
and intelligence of the average voter. 

As one way of meeting this educational need, Mr. 
Clarence D. Kingsley has proposed to substitute the 
"Study of Nations" for the usual high-school course 
in modem history.^ History, by this means, becomes 
an elementary study of nationality. Each nation is 
carefully considered by itself, that pupils may gain a 
definite impression of its individual characteristics. 
First it is viewed as it appears to-day; then its de- 
velopment is briefly traced that present conditions 
may be seen in their proper perspective. After this 
historic background has been sketched in, an attempt 
is made to evaluate the peculiar gifts of the country 
and its people to the sum of modern civilization. "The 

1 Kingsley, Clarence D.: *'The Study of Nations: Its Possibilities 
as a Social Study in High Schools "; in School and Society, vol. ni, 
pp. 37-41 (Jan. 8, 1916). 

N.B. The initial suggestion for such a course was made by Dr. 
Felix Adler in The War and the Social Crisis. 

xii 



PREFACE 

idea should be developed," says Mr. Kingsley, "that 
every nation has, or may have, something of worth 
to contribute to other nations and to humanity as a 
whole." Such a course of study, it is hoped, would 
tend to reduce the friction in international affairs 
created by the clamor of popular ignorance, would 
"help to a truer understanding and appreciation of 
the foreigners who come to our shores," and would 
enable us to value backward peoples by the promise 
of their latent possibiUties rather than on the basis of 
their present small achievements. 

The practical application of this plan of study to 
the work of the secondary school has been the subject 
of experiment for the last three years in the High 
School of Somerville, Massachusetts. The classes 
chosen for the trial in the first two years of the high- 
school course had taken work which corresponded 
very closely to the recommendations of the Commit- 
tee on Social Studies. In the first year they had stud- 
ied Community Civics and in the second year Eu- 
ropean History to 1 700. They were already familiar, 
therefore, with the methods of Community Civics, 
with library reference work and the usual require- 
ments of historical study. The experiment has met 
with varying degrees of success, but on the whole 
seems full of promise. Similar courses are being 
worked out in the Horace Mann School, Teachers 
College, Columbia University, by Mr. Roy W. Hatch, 
in the Technical High School, Newton, Massachu- 

xiii 



PREFACE 

setts, by Mr. Horace Kidger, and in several other 
places. If these initial attempts can be made the 
nucleus for the cooperative effort of many teachers, 
it is hoped that they may point the way to a more 
satisfactory reorganization of this particular branch 
of study. 

The outline of work presented in this book is to be 
regarded as merely tentative. To formulate for the 
use of students a definite concept of the various na- 
tions is an audacious undertaking. It has been ob- 
served, with a large measure of truth, that the task 
calls for a person endowed with omniscience. The 
impression left on the minds of pupils must be clear 
and distinct, yet without bias, always subject to the 
revision of later experience. A friendly and appre- 
ciative spirit must pervade the work, yet admiration 
must not be carried to the point of exaggeration. The 
individuality, the peculiar mental atmosphere of each 
people, must make itself felt. Above all else the 
teacher must be on guard against unconsciously 
twisting the facts of history to establish the truth of 
a preconceived notion. Clearly this is a subject for 
prolonged and repeated experiment. 

The choice of material offers at all times a difficult 
problem. The topics of first importance seem num- 
berless, but the available time is strictly limited. 
Many pupils must be left with curiosity unsatisfied, 
like the Httle Swedish girl who asked: ''Why is it we 
don't hear more about Gustavus Adolphus? My 

xiv 



PREFACE 

mother says he was one of the greatest characters in 
history. ' ' The same query might be made as to many 
another commanding historic figure. Fortunately it 
is not the intention to give an encyclopedic knowl- 
edge of the facts of history. A careful limitation of 
boundaries is the first essential. The basis of selec- 
tion from the mass of material must change from 
year to year with changing conditions. 

For the present, the teacher of modern history 
works under a certain compulsion. The Great War is 
the outstanding fact of our time. It is the great ob- 
jective to which all roads must lead. This is the 
thought of both parents and children. As one father 
said to his daughter, telling her to write down care- 
fully all she learned at school about the causes of the 
war: "We working-men are too busy to get at the 
rights of this thing. You who are in school are the ones 
who must pass on the truth about it to those who are 
to come after." All questions of comparative value of 
material must be settled with reference to this crisis. 
The leading nations in the conflict must be studied in 
detail, those of less importance in more cursory fash- 
ion. France, England, Germany, and Russia, for in- 
stance, must become famiHar acquaintances. Their 
names must stand in the mind for distinct concep- 
tions. Not only their aims and ambitions, but all that 
goes to make up their "self-hood" is of importance. 
The lesser peoples may be treated with much less de- 
tail. Then at the last all the threads may be gathered 

XV 



PREFACE 

up in the consideration of the causes of the struggle. 
The nations which were separate entities are now 
seen acting in groups until the study becomes merged 
in the story of the Great War. 

In the publication of the following monograph the 
writer acknowledges special obligation to Mr. Clar- 
ence D. Kingsley, State Supervisor of High Schools 
for Massachusetts. Mr. Kingsley has repeatedly 
urged upon teachers the possibilities of "The Study 
of Nations" as a high-school subject, and has formu- 
lated the principles for its arrangement. While he 
bears no responsibility for the way in which his prin- 
ciples have been applied to the work of the classroom, 
his suggestions, from his article in School and Society, 
referred to above, have shaped the main features of 
the course. His courteous interest in the progress of 
the work and his careful reading of the manuscript 
have been a definite and valued help. 

A heavy debt of gratitude is also due to Professor 
Kenneth Scott Latourette, of Denison University, 
who from his expert knowledge of the Orient and 
Oriental history has kindly contributed the chapters 
on ''China," and "Japan." 

The writer takes this opportunity to express, as 
well, her appreciation for the kindness of Mr. Charles 
S. Clark, Superintendent of Schools, Somerville, 
Massachusetts, and of Mr. John A. Avery, Head 
Master of the Somerville High School, without whose 

xvi 



PREFACE 

permission and cooperation the experiment herein 
described could not have been given a trial. 

For permission to incorporate in the text por- 
tions of an article on "The Study of Nations/' 
previously published, the author is indebted to 
Mr. Albert J. McKinley, publisher of The History 
Teachers^ Magazine. 

H. E. T. 

Somerville High School 
Massachusetts 



I 

THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

1. THE METHOD OF APPROACH 

The arrangement of material in the "Study of Na- 
tions" is based upon the principle of which Dr. John 
Dewey is the great protagonist: namely, that it is 
the business of the school to meet the needs of pres- 
ent growth in the child. As the first step in that 
direction, the course is so planned as to begin at a* 
point of contact with the pupil's immediate interest, j 
By this means it is believed that the study of history ' 
will gain in dynamic force; that its impact upon 
the mind and conscience of the pupil will be more 
effective. 

Too many parents and children — even some 
teachers — have the idea of history expressed by one 
high-school student just beginning the subject. In 
response to the question, "What do you think you 
ought to get out of a course in history?" she replied, 
"As my study of history will probably end with my 
high-school career, I think it will be to my advantage 
to use all the energy possible in the systematic ab- 
sorption of all history, in the hope that in the years 
to come I may remember a few facts." The rewards 

I 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

of effort are set far in the future. The school work 
bears no relation to the life of the present. As a 
result it naturally follows that the study of history 
ends with the high-school career. 

The problem of the educator is to find a method of 
approach which will open the pupil's mind to his 
immediate use for history. He must be made to see 
its connection with his own life. Almost any boy is 
eager to understand the world of to-day, even if he 
does not care particularly about that of his ancestors. 
He appreciates the necessity of knowing something 
about the Great War, although the Persian wars seem 
to him merely "a tale that is told." If he expressed 
his real feeling about history he might say with the 
poet, ''Let the dead past bury its dead." His con- 
cern is with life, here and now. The zest which the 
normal boy brings to the discussion of anything which 
plainly belongs to the world of to-day may well con- 
vey a hint to his teacher. Why not use this interest 
in the present as an entering wedge to the study of 
former times ? It may be possible to make of con- 
temporary history a veritable "open sesame" to 
reveal the treasures of the past. 

On this theory, in the "Study of Nations," present 
conditions are viewed first; then historical material 
is introduced to furnish explanation for the situation 
of to-day. In other words, the "problem method" 
is used as far as possible, the problem being taken 
from some aspect of current history while the matter 

2 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

for solution is drawn from the past. For instance, 
almost all children have heard vaguely of the recent 
revolution in Russia. They are already intensely 
curious about it. The briefest class discussion brings 
out a question as to its causes. This opens the way 
at once to a study of the rule of the Czars. The 
class turns to the account of Peter the Great and fol- 
lows the development of the Russian system of autoc- 
racy. At every step the reasons for the recent revo- 
lution become more clear. The present leads directly 
back to the past, and knowledge of the past, in turn, 
is seen to be essential to an understanding of the 
present. 

The exact starting-point will be determined by the 
character and personnel of the class. If the pupils 
are especially interested in the commercial branches, 
some phase of commercial activity may be chosen 
for a beginning. If they are drawn from several dif- 
ferent nationalities, the path to European history 
may lead through their racial affiliations. Probably 
no two classes will offer just the same opening. It 
matters little, if only the start be at some point of 
vital interest. 

This method of approach relieves the instructor of 
the need to make history attractive by artificial stim- 
ulus. The temptation to cheapen the subject in 
order to make it entertaining no longer exists. The 
teacher's business now is not to infuse interest from 
outside, but to discover where it exists, and then use 

3 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

it. The attention of the class will be unflagging as 
long as the connection is clear between the subject 
of study and the object of their curiosity. 

This very ease in holding attention makes the 
method an object of suspicion to some teachers. 
They question its wisdom from the very fact that by 
starting at the point of the child's present interest 
the course of study follows the line of least resistance. 
These teachers argue that the child of to-day gets 
but little moral discipline at best. They feel that 
unless the school makes him do that in which he has 
no special interest, he will grow up the slave of wan- 
dering impulse. On this point. the experience in 
Somerville has gone to substantiate the arguments 
set forth by Dr. John Dewey in his monograph, 
Interest and Effort in Education.^ It has been found, 
as Dr. Dewey suggests, that any problem, however 
approached, if persistently followed to a solution, 
develops of necessity the power of sustained effort. 
When the pupil's interest is enlisted by his sense of 
need the call upon the will power is no less insistent 
than when his effort is stimulated by artificial means. 

That the approach from the present gives point 
and direction to the work is indicated by the naive 
comment of a pupil just finishing the course: "I like 
to study history from the point of view of the present 
best, because I think that in that way you start with 

^ Dewey, John : Interest and Effort in Education. Riverside Edu- 
cational Monographs. Houghton Mifflin Company, Boston. 

4 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

the way things are situated now and then explain 
them, and in doing the other way you get all the ex- 
planation before you really know what you are trying 
to explain." 

Unfortunately for the teacher, complications may 
arise from the fact that history is not made along 
pedagogical lines, proceeding gradually from the 
simple to the more complex. It is not always easy, 
therefore, to find a point for the opening drive which 
will lead easily to the desired objective. On one 
occasion, for instance, a teacher finding her class in- 
terested in the Alsace-Lorraine question, took that 
knotty problem as the point of departure, only to be- 
come hopelessly entangled in its intricacies. Both 
teacher and pupils were glad to escape back to the 
safe and beaten track of chronology. Skillful choice 
of material and careful planning on the part of the 
instructor can alone insure to the pupil a task com- 
mensurate with his powers. The measure of his 
success wall be the test of the teacher's ability and 
experience. 

The order of procedure from the present to the 
past is exactly that which is now being followed by 
the adult world. Since the outbreak of the Great 
War, history has come into sudden popularity. 
Never since the days of John Fiske have historical 
lecturers drawn such large audiences. Never have 
books on history had such a wide circulation in the 
public libraries. In school, pupils frequently excuse 

5 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

themselves for tardiness in returning works of refer- 
ence to the historical library on the ground that 
"father was reading it." Parents who have never 
before shown bookish tastes are reported as reading 
every history that is brought home from school. 
But this new zeal for research is not due to mere 
antiquarian interest. The meetings of the local his- 
torical societies are as select as ever. The dust is still 
undisturbed on the volumes of Gibbon and Hume. 
The older generation is in complete accord with the 
boy who said: "We are n't worrying about the Mid- 
dle Ages. What we want is to understand about this 
war." The world outside of school has taken to 
reading history with a single purpose — to get light 
on current problems. For a Kke reason the children 
are ready to follow the same impulse. 

The advantages of this method of approach were 
strikingly presented several years ago by Sir Ro- 
land Knyvet Wilson in the Contemporary Review.^ 
In an article entitled "Should History be Taught 
Backwards?" he voiced a question which has been 
somewhat widely echoed in our own day. He con- 
tended that to the English schoolboy of his time the 
Near-Eastern Question might be an open door to the 
history of international relations since the advent of 
the Turk in Europe, exactly as we see in the condi- 
tions that led to the Great War an introduction to 
the story of colonial expansion or to the development 
^ The Contemporary Review, vol. 70, p. 391. 
6 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

of the democratic ideal in Europe. To him, as to 
the teacher of to-day, an arrangement which allowed 
the boy to proceed from the known to the unknown 
had much to recommend it. 

The "Study of Nations," however, does not really 
involve the teaching of history backwards. Such 
disregard of the claims of historical perspective might 
perhaps be considered subversive of scholarly method. 
Nor would it be consistent with the virtue of ''his- 
torical-mindedness " thus insistently, of set purpose, 
to read the present into the past. Quite different is 
the arrangement which uses the present as an intro- 
duction merely to study of the past, or as a means of 
giving definitive aim to the work, and then presents 
the facts of history in strictly chronological order, 
with every safeguard for the correct perspective. 
The order of events under each main topic in the 
outline for the ''Study of Nations " is chronological as 
well as logical. 

This use of the present situation as an introduction 
to the study of the past is also to be differentiated 
from that widely advertised by certain periodicals 
according to which the passing event is made the 
starting-point for historical study. This, which has 
been called the ''hop, skip, and jump method," has 
found many followers among teachers. Although 
such a plan has the virtue of making instant appeal 
to the interest of the student, it is as divergent as 
possible from the method of the "Study of Nations." 

7 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

In the latter course the starting-point is not the 
current event, but the present condition. Instead 
of following recent happenings in rapid gyrations 
around the globe, the ''Study of Nations" selects as 
a starting-point the present characteristics of civili- 
zation in one nation and develops from that point 
a fairly comprehensive view of the national life and 
history. It is believed that this arrangement gives 
a comparatively stable basis on which to build. It 
also permits the organization of the course into a 
logical whole. 

2. THE FRUITS OF EXPERIENCE 

The "Study of Nations" as outlined is an adaptation 
of the methods of Community Civics to the study of 
Modern European History. It provides for a study 
of modern nations as enlarged communities. Pupils 
approach the problems of life in these nations from a 
carefully selected vantage-point at which the problem 
touches their own experience or interest. The spirit 
in which the work is planned is that of a little girl 
discussing a point in Community Civics who said: 
*'We can't tell where our community ends. It may 
reach even to Italy." To bring Italy or any other 
foreign country within the range of community in- 
terest and social obHgation is the main object of the 
course. 

The necessity for this internationalist teaching is 
8 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

now universally recognized. How far the "Study of 
Nations" is calculated to meet the need is another 
question. Many teachers contend that the tradi- 
tional course in history is already sufficiently well 
adapted to the purpose; that the radical revision of 
method adopted for the "Study of Nations" is un- 
necessary. Others think the methods here suggested 
not merely unnecessary, but of doubtful value in 
themselves. Still others would gladly revise their 
work along the proposed lines, but are deterred by 
practical difficulties. The time is not yet ripe to 
make any definite claims for the "Study of Nations." 
The experience of only three years must carry but 
little weight. The fruits of that experience may be 
worth recounting, however, if only as a guide to fur- 
ther criticism. In variety of suggestion is the hope 
of progress. 

That some revision of the method and content of 
high-school history would be desirable is now generally 
conceded. For some years teachers of history have 
been put on the defensive. In some cases they have 
even been called upon to give excuse for being. The 
very fact that this demand for reform is so loud and 
so insistent would seem to indicate that history in the 
schools has not yet been shaped to the fulfillment of 
its highest purpose. Whether the necessities of the 
case call for such radical reconstruction as is sug- 
gested for the " Study of Nations " is not so clear. The 
proposed methods, however, are in accordance with 

9 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

the general trend of modern educational experiment. 
As such they seem worthy of trial. 

The arrangement of material is especially adapted 
to the main purpose of the work — the development 
of a spirit of international sympathy. To this end 
each nation is studied separately. By this means the 
appeal made to the sympathies is more potent than 
if many nations are studied together. As one reading 
biography insensibly comes to sympathize with its 
subject, so in following the fortunes of a single people 
one unconsciously espouses their cause. A degree of 
human interest enters into the story of a single race 
or nation which is less noticeable when the mind is 
fixed upon the interaction of several different nation- 
alities. 

The treatment of one nation at a time, too, has 
proved a more satisfactory arrangement from the 
teacher's point of view than the plan of the usual 
textbook. Much of the difficulty in teaching modern 
history arises from its complexity. In ancient his- 
tory events turn naturally about a few great states 
or figures. The pupil is not required, as in modern 
history, to carry in the mind many parallel lines of 
development. Each of the great nations of antiquity 
has certain distinct characteristics which readily 
differentiate it from its neighbors. In the course 
of years the textbook writers have learned to make 
these characteristics stand out with vivid distinct- 
ness. Greece and Rome, or even Sparta and Athens, 

lO 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

each stand for something definite in the minds of 
pupils. Medieval history, too, lends itself readily to 
a unity of treatment which makes for simplicity. It 
is with the advent of the modern era that difficulties 
multiply. Each of the modern nations has its own 
line of development. The story is badly crowded 
with figures and lacks unity. This not only lays a 
severe tax upon the memory; it serves also to make 
the characteristic features of each nation indistinct, 
as people in a crowd seem to lack individuality. 
Even the teacher, reading into the story the back- 
ground of life and color gained from wider reading 
and travel, often fails to realize how bare and meager 
and characterless is the school-book account. The 
peoples of the world make little more appeal than do 
a swarm of ants. 

The study of one nation at a time gives much more 
promise of success. The story has unity and is easily 
followed. The demands upon the memory are rea- 
sonable, leaving opportunity for the play of other 
faculties. By fixing the attention for an appreciable 
length of time upon one nation, pupils get a sense of 
personal acquaintance with its people. They form a 
habit of looking at events from another point of view. 
They see life from a little different angle from that to 
which they are accustomed. Gradually their con- 
ceptions cease to be bounded by their own immediate 
horizon. 

The general aim of the "Study of Nations" calls 
II 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

for less historical material than is ordinarily required 
for a course in Modern European History. Since 
much time is given to the study of present-day con- 
ditions, the study of the past is necessarily abbre- 
viated. 

To teachers who regard history as purely an infor- 
mational subject; to those who would have children 
''study history in order to know history," this may 
be regarded as a loss. Questions will be raised es- 
pecially in case pupils have the college entrance ex- 
aminations in prospect. Since the object is not so 
much to teach history as to teach how to use it, the 
results may not be readily tested by examination. 
They should, however, react favorably on history 
work in college classes. For the pupil who is not 
going to college the brief outline given as foundation 
for further study has been deemed sufficient. 

Moreover, it is an open question whether, even 
as a means of storing up information, the so-called 
*' problem method" here adopted may not prove 
quite as effective as the pursuit of information purely 
for the information's sake. Even so conservative a 
publication as the Report of the Committee of Seven 
published in a footnote the remark: ''We may justly 
contend that an effort to store facts in pupils' heads 
often defeats its own ends. College professors who 
have looked over examination papers for many years 
... are struck by the marvelous accumulation of mis- 
information which has been accepted and held with 

12 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

calm belief and placid assurance. We may seriously 
inquire whether instruction in method of looking at 
facts and training in thinking about them would not 
leave a greater residuum of actual information . ' ' This 
"instruction in method of looking at facts and train- 
ing in thinking about them" is exactly the aim of the 
teacher in the "Study of Nations." Observation of 
the progress of pupils has led to the conclusion that 
facts studied because they are wanted are more easily 
acquired and more readily retained in the memory 
than facts which are consciously stored away for 
future use. 

While some teachers are critical of the "Study of 
Nations " because it offers too little historical infor- 
mation, others, with perhaps more reason, feel that 
the course covers too much territory; that too many 
ideas are introduced. This is, indeed, a very real 
danger. The experience of future years will perhaps 
point to the wisdom of limiting the borders of the 
work in the interest of greater thoroughness. Ac- 
cording to Charles Dudley Warner, no gardener 
should trust himself to thin his own turnips; the 
same principle applies to the maker of a historical 
outline. Each topic in turn seems so valuable that 
the process of elimination is slow and painful. The 
tendency is to leave too much and spoil the crop. 
At this point a candid critic may be very helpful. 

The proposed course of study must not demand 
too much, either of pupil or teacher. It must be 

13 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

reasonably adaptable to the conditions of high-school 
teaching in the average community. Some of the 
most insistent questions that arise, whenever the 
"Study of Nations" is under discussion, refer not to 
the intrinsic value of the course nor to the richness of 
its promise, but to the difficulties confronting the 
teacher in the ordinary school. In many cases lack 
of material seems likely to hamper effective teaching. 
Modern history is not in this respect like Community 
Civics which is studied in the midst of its own la- 
boratory — the community itself. It goes far afield. 
Books, maps, papers, and magazines must be at hand 
in generous supply. This condition is no more com- 
pulsory in the "Study of Nations," however, than in 
any course in history. Most school officials are now 
accustomed to the idea that the textbook alone is 
not suitable provision for the work. The school 
library movement is spreading rapidly. The Com- 
mittee on Public Information, too, is proving a valu- 
able ally. Many of its publications are of the highest 
usefulness. With all this aid it would seem that 
meagerness of equipment ought not long to prove an 
insurmountable barrier. 

Even more than lack of material, lack of time and 
of strength are deterrent factors to many teachers. It 
must be confessed that the "Study of Nations" de- 
mands of the instructor hard, unremitting study, not 
only in laying out the work, but in carrying it on 
from day to day. The lesson is never learned. One 

14 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

may never close the book with a clear conscience. 
The work must be kept "up to the minute." Wide 
reading from a great variety of sources is a constant 
necessity. Any critical scholarship of which the 
teacher is possessed is called upon to the very last 
iota. Yet such work is a healthy form of exercise. 
Much of the reading is of the kind which an intelli- 
gent person would wish to do if no professional neces- 
sity impelled. Even with this allowance, the fact 
remains that the teacher who is to undertake the 
course must have adequate time for it. The neces- 
sity for teaching every period in the day and correct- 
ing papers all the evening would preclude all possi- 
bility of success. Nor, indeed, can any other course 
in history be well taught under like conditions. The 
requirements for the ''Study of Nations" merely 
emphasize the universal need of the teacher, namely, 
the chance to grow. 

The real test of the success of any educational ex- 
periment, however, is not its effect on the critics nor 
its effect on the teacher, but its effect on the pupils. 
The teacher who is conducting the course is exactly 
in the position of the boy who said he was taking the 
*' Study of Nations " in order "to find out what history 
is and what it does to the mind." Of course only the 
observation of many years can entitle one to tell 
what any course of study " does to the mind." After 
only three years' trial one hesitates to express any 
opinion on the subject. Yet one may be permitted 

15 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

to record the results of observation, if it is clearly 
understood that no final conclusion is offered. 

One result of the method in the classroom is to les- 
sen the domination of the textbook. Although pupils 
are provided with a text in European history which 
at certain periods of the work is in constant use, for 
the most part they are obliged to go hunting in 
larger fields. The Statesman's Year Book, the library, 
the magazines, and daily papers are the recognized 
tools. There is no occasion here to discuss the rela- 
tive merits of the textbook and the library methods. 
Most teachers have already decided opinions on the 
subjedt. The character of these opinions will largely 
color their judgment of a course which is so consti- 
tuted that reliance on a single book is impossible. 

With the passing of the textbook, the old-fashioned 
form of recitation also tends to disappear. One ob- 
ject of the teacher is to arouse the class from the 
passive attitude induced by years of public-school 
training to a measure of activity and initiative. It is 
desired that more questions be asked by the pupils 
than by the teacher. There is Httle chance for for- 
mal recitations. With some classes this ideal can- 
not be realized, but many pupils by their comments 
indicate that they value this opportunity for self- 
expression. "I like better discussion in class than 
just reciting out of a book," wrote one. "It gives 
a chance to use your brains and not take things just 
because the book said so." Another noted the fact 

i6 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

that "in class we have taken up both sides which 
convinces a person quicker than having to take it 
because somebody says it is true." Another said 
she Hked class discussion best because she was not 
obliged to keep wondering what question was coming 
next. A few children intimated that they would feel 
safer about their ranks at the end of the term if they 
had a single book and could learn it, but the majority 
favored more general class discussion. It may be 
said with safety, it appears, that the method of the 
"Study of Nations" tends to encourage self-activity. 

This very tendency to free discussion, however, 
has proved to have its dangers. Experience has 
shown that the teacher must be constantly on guard 
to keep the discussion from wandering in the clouds. 
Unless the class is held rigidly to facts and to the 
subject in hand, outlines become hazy and the se- 
quence of events confused, so that the whole work 
lacks form and substance. This is the age of free 
verse, but the time is not yet come for free history. 
Even free discussion must be carefully regulated. 
Constant reference must be made to topical outlines, 
maps, and comparative tables, and every possible 
device must be employed to avoid loose thinking. 

We have not yet discovered what the "Study of 
Nations" "does to the mind," nor how it contributes 
toward the development of a social conscience which 
will include in its scope all races and peoples. No 
measurements exist for testing these values. At the 

17 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

end of the course, however, pupils have been put to 
the question. They have been asked to say frankly 
whether as a result of the year's work they found 
themselves more broad-minded, more sympathetic 
toward people of alien race and customs. Their 
answers may be regarded as straws showing the direc- 
tion of the wind. The answers of one division were 
typical of all.^ 

Many of them simply said: "Yes!" or "Yes, I 
think so." One said: "If not broad-minded, at least 
awakened." Another, taking the question more per- 
sonally, wrote: "I have unconsciously formed the 
habit of thinking out problems that come up from the 
relationship of the nations, and not taking sides or 
becoming over-sure of myself. I think I can appre- 
ciate correction or criticism on any subject with a 
better grace than I could before I took the course." 
The next one said: "I am learning to be more toler- 
ant, but it comes hard." Another: " I think perhaps 
I am more broad-minded, for by studying about the 
customs, government, and sentiments of different 
nations, some of the petty prejudices I held toward 
them have disappeared." 

Several pupils went into more detail and explained 
just where their prejudices and misconceptions had 
weakened. "The principal benefit I have gained," 
said one, "is the appreciation and value of some of 

* These paragraphs are reprinted from the History Teachers' 
Magazine, October, 191 7, p. 267. 

18 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

the Europeans. Most pupils, like myself, thought 
Italy a land of bricklayers, Russia one of anarchists, 
etc. Now, Italy an important factor in the develop- 
ment of a country, Russia, progressive in quite a few 
ways. In general I have learned that most countries 
in a general way are similar." Another one wrote: 
**I am in greater sympathy with the Russian people 
than before. I always had the idea that they were 
just a slovenly, ignorant race. However, I realize 
now that it is all due to the oppression of the ruling 
forces. For the Germans, I look upon them with a 
broader view. For instance, I did not know much 
about the Germans. Since studying history I have 
seen things from a different point of view. I always 
thought them an easy-going, intellectual race of 
people; in fact, admired the race in general. Now I 
know for a fact that they are a well-educated, well- 
cared-for people. Of course, in the present war I 
naturally would feel a hatred for Germany, which 
I do. For now that I understand the good training 
of the German people, I cannot understand many of 
their seemingly barbaric actions." Yet another tes- 
timony is : *' Of course I have no love for Germany, but 
in the study of her country I found many things in 
which I admire German efficiency. . . . Also some 
of the Balkan States, I have great pity for them. I 
never had much liking for a Greek, but since I have 
learned about their bravery and courage I like them 
quite well." 

19 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

Others have reached the point where they are 
ready to generalize a little, as this one: "I do look 
upon people with different customs with more toler- 
ance and sympathy, because I found that their cus- 
toms were to them just the same as ours are to us, 
and many of their customs are better too. I found 
that they have their points of view the same as any- 
body else." As another one put it: "We are all for- 
eigners to some one." They were all approaching the 
feeling expressed in broken English by an Armenian 
boy: " I don't look upon people of difference customs. 
I look upon people same as I look upon my brother." 
The Armenian made a mental reservation against the 
Turk, for when he was asked to tell what he knew of 
the Turks to-day, he replied: "They don't like us, so 
of course we don't like them. I can't talk of them." 
We hope the little girl of German parentage had no 
mental reservations when she wrote: "The world is 
my country. All are my brothers." 

From these naive confessions one gains a hint of 
the part which the ideal course in the "Study of Na- 
tions" may play in the great work of Americaniza- 
tion. To the foreign-born it may bring some appre- 
ciation of the richness of their racial heritage. Young 
people of foreign ancestry, the social workers tell us, 
are often in grave danger because of the sharp break 
between their life and that of their fathers. In the 
flush of their new Americanism they are inclined to 
throw off all parental restraint — to their great loss. 

20 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

If the gap between the generations could be bridged 
by mutual understanding many tragedies might be 
avoided. This is one mission of the ''Study of Na- 
tions " — to put the young people in touch with their 
historic traditions. 

For the native-born the ''Study of Nations" may 
likewise work for Americanization. It may serve 
to enlarge their conceptions of Americanism. For 
American democracy should have no place for petty 
provincial notions. It is not, like the Athenian de- 
mocracy, confined to those of native birth and ances- 
try. It includes many races and divers tongues. 
Demos was indeed narrow and exclusive, but Ameri- 
can citizenship must be conceived of as broad and 
many-sided, including all the racial elements of its 
mixed population. To this end a common knowledge 
of these races is essential. 

Lastly, both the foreign-bom and the native Amer- 
ican need just now to reflect on the value which the 
idea of nationality has had for human history. Even 
a brief survey of the rich gifts which the nations have 
made to the treasury of modern civilization may 
serve to give needed emphasis to the worth of the 
modern democratic nation, both as an organization 
and as an ideal. 

In comparison with some recent educational exper- 
iments the method of the " Study of Nations " is suffi- 
ciently conservative. It acknowledges the value of 
chronology and historical perspective. It aims to 

21 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

present an organized body of material, logically 
arranged and topically outlined. It insists upon a 
basic mastery of historical fact. The individualist 
aims of the older historical training are its aims as 
well. More than knowledge, however, it values the 
state of mind that grows out of it. More than on 
arbitrary discipline it counts for results upon the 
active interest and cooperative effort of the pupil. 
With the individual conscience it would develop the 
social conscience. As an element of national patri- 
otism, it would inculcate a broad spirit of international 
sympathy and imderstanding. 



II 

EUROPEAN NATIONS 

1. FRANCE 

The subject for the opening lessons in the "Study of 
Nations" is a matter for careful choice. The first 
nation to be studied must fulfill the most exacting 
requirements. Its appeal to the interest of the class 
must be potent and alluring. It must offer varied 
avenues of approach to meet the differing interests 
of pupils. The people presented for the initial study 
must be of the first importance historically. The 
nation's story must be founded on the great move- 
ments of the world's history; otherwise the student 
will be following only a by-path when he should be 
moving with the great currents of Hfe. The first 
nation must start him on his way, alert and eager. 
It must also provide for the larger interests which are 
to come with the wider outlook. 

Of all European nations the Republic of France 
appears best fitted to meet these demands. France 
makes a peculiar appeal to the youthful imagination. 
The writer well remembers in her own case one night 
of wakeful rapture before the day when she was to 
begin the study of French. She seemed to herself on 

23 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

the very threshold of romance, about to enter by that 
one step into a larger and more glorious world than 
that of prosaic every day. If by beginning with the 
French nation something of this glamour can be cast 
over the "Study of Nations," the choice will be 
justified. 

Just now popular enthusiasm for France is un- 
bounded. "The Marseillaise" is almost as famil- 
iar as "The Star-Spangled Banner." The Tricolor 
waves with the Stars and Stripes. In the high schools 
large classes are attracted by courses in the French 
language. Most pupils have recently had brothers 
or friends "somewhere in France." It is the land of 
their dreams. Any reference to it excites lively curios- 
ity. No better field for an opening need be desired. 

The choice of France offers the further advantage 
that its history has been pleasantly connected with 
our own. In the lower schools children have learned 
to look at Lafayette as a familiar acquaintance. 
They have been taught to value the aid given by 
French arms to the Americans in their struggle for 
liberty. They are ready to approach in a friendly 
spirit the study of their benefactors. The further 
value of French history as a preparation for the study 
of other nations is obvious. All the great movements 
of the successive centuries are here exemplified. Feu- 
dalism, chivalry, absolute monarchy, revolution — 
each in turn was carried to its logical development in 
France. The student who is well grounded in French 

24 



EUROPEAN NATIONS 

history has laid the foundation for a mastery of the 
history of all Europe. 

As a guide to the truly significant qualities in 
French life and character, George Meredith's "Ode 
to France, 1870," has been invaluable. There are 
those, indeed, who hold that poetical literature 
should have no place in historical instruction. In 
this case, however, the poet has been able to bring 
out the inner meaning of events better than all the 
historians. To the teacher he has been a constant 
source of illumination and guidance. For the use of 
pupils short extracts from the ''Ode" have even been 
included in the topical outline to give the key-note 
for class discussion. 

"On the first day the attack may be made at any 
well-chosen point. Since the material side of civil- 
ization is easiest to grasp, the Somerville classes have 
generally begun by making a list of all examples of 
French workmanship that they have seen. French 
styles generally head the Hst as the first suggestion, 
but before the hour is over a very respectable start 
has been made toward a comprehensive view of the 
gifts of France to the material civilization of the 
world. Already the pupils get a hint of the peculiar 
artistry and skill by which French workmen have 
made of crude materials things of wonder and dehght. 
The reason is clear why George Meredith calls France 
''Mother of luxuries," and "Transcendent in her arts 
and looms." To American children this study of a 

25 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

people whose chief industrial asset is their artistic 
skill cannot fail to be fruitful. 

This beginning is followed by the assignment of 
special topics on French handicrafts. The pupil who 
suggested French styles as a topic is referred to the 
account of the founder of the House of Paquin in 
Charles Dawbarn's Makers oj New France. So it has 
happened that a little girl dressed in a straight serge 
sHp, with her hair tightly braided in pig-tails, has 
electrified the school librarian by asking where she 
could find the book about the Paris dressmaker, 
"Madame Pack-you-in." She found the book, and 
it is hoped, gained from it some appreciation of the 
minghng of business shrewdness and artistic skill 
which have made of the Rue de la Paix one of the 
wonders of the world. Meantime the boy whose 
eyes have been fixed wistfully on the aviation schools 
turns his attention to the work of Bleriot. Girls with 
a taste for "fancy work" make a study of French 
tapestry or laces. The fine pottery or the exquisite 
work of the French jewelers furnishes topics for others. 
In every case the personal taste or interest of the stu- 
dent determines the choice of subject. 

After these special topics have been prepared in 
the library, the class in a body visits the Boston 
Museum of Fine Arts. Here the Museum Instructor^ 
has made a special study of the needs of this course. 
At all times one of the best friends of the teacher, in 
^ Mrs. Robert L. Scales. 
26 



EUROPEAN NATIONS 

connection with this study of France she has drawn 
upon the resources of the Museum with surpassing 
skill. In the course of an hour under her guidance 
pupils get a truer impression of the nature of the 
French genius than from hours of hbrary reading. 
Painting, sculpture, architecture, and handicrafts, 
all are used to show the national characteristics. Even 
the life of the peasant is revealed on the canvases of 
Millet. The class is held breathless and fascinated. 
One is not surprised to hear a girl say as she leaves 
the building: "I know I shall not Uke any other na- 
tion as well as France." 

Meantime the lesson hours had been devoted to 
other phases of the national development. After a 
brief survey of the land of France, the "bountiful fair 
land of vine and grain," with such map work and 
descriptive material as time allowed, it seemed oppor- 
tune to inquire into the origins of the French nation. 
This gave a chance to make connection with the work 
of the previous year. The question naturally arose, 
"How has it come about that we have a distinct na- 
tion called France?" A rapid textbook review gave 
an answer to this question. The story began with 
the break-up of Charlemagne's empire and the treat- 
ies of Verdun and Mersen. The Strasbourg oaths, 
by the way, bore witness to the gradual development 
of the distinctive French language. This review 
might be extended through the story of French politi- 
cal development. In practice it has been made very 

27 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

brief. The connection with previous work has been 
secured chiefly through the study of some of the great 
characters in French history who have conspicuously 
contributed to the making of the French historic 
tradition. 

This task, involving the attempt to create in pupils 
a sense of historic tradition, is indeed difficult. It 
would be useless to attack it by means of statement or 
definition. We are dealing with influences too subtle 
for mere dictionary usage. They must be felt rather 
than defined. Yet some effort must be made to con- 
vey at least a dim idea of the difference between the 
French spirit and that of America. With more ad- 
vanced students it might be done through the me- 
dium of literature. In the secondary school there is 
no time for such work, nor are the pupils sufficiently 
mature. The ''openness of mind and flexibihty of 
intelligence," which were to Matthew Arnold the 
characteristics of the French Hterary genius, could 
neither be recognized nor appreciated by high-school 
students. But boys and girls are natural hero wor- 
shipers. They can understand the influence of great 
characters in the making of nations. Through the 
study of the national leaders in successive generations 
they can gain indirectly some comprehension of the 
national character. It seems worth while, therefore, 
in spite of difficulties, to make an effort to build up 
a conception of the traditions which are the legacy of 
the present generation of Frenchmen. 

28 



EUROPEAN NATIONS 

For this purpose probably no two teachers would 
make the same choice of subjects. In the accom- 
panying outline Roland stands first on the list. Se- 
lections may be made from any of the numerous 
translations of the Chanson de Roland. Sometimes 
it happens that pupils are already familiar with the 
story. It is easy to see how this old "epic of death 
for fair France" contributes to patriotic enthusiasm. 
Ambassador Jusserand comments on the character 
of Roland as descriptive of the French character 
to-day in the willingness of the men to die not only 
for victory, but, if necessary, for honor in defeat. 
Two striking characteristics of the days of chivalry 
stand out sharply in this story of Roland — loyalty 
to one's suzerain and love of one's sword. Studied 
in connection with the story of Chevalier Bayard, 
"knight without fear and without reproach," the 
Song of Roland shows at its best the European inher- 
itance from the days of chivalry. , 

Another figure which stands out sharply in the his- 
toric background is that of Louis IX, "the king who 
ruled in righteousness." The chroniclers make him 
a hero to be affectionately remembered, whether 
administering justice to his people through the organ- 
ized forms of law or sitting in patriarchal fashion 
under the oaks of Vincennes. Sometimes the class, 
with the aid of pictures, makes an imaginary pilgrim- 
age to the Isle de Cite, visits the modern Palais de 
Justice which takes the place of his royal court, or 

29 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

stands with him in worship beneath the glowing 
windows of La Sainte Chapelle. 

Next in order comes Joan the Maid, whose saintly 
heroism is so familiar that its influence is easily 
traced. Her story seems to gain in popularity with 
each succeeding century. Now, as the subject of a 
popular song, she needs no introduction to youthful 
students. 

With the advent of Henry IV the development of 
royalty of a modern type becomes apparent. Gal- 
lantry in war, tolerance in matters of religion, a care 
for public improvements, and solicitude as to the 
working-man's Sunday dinner belong to kingship of a 
more familiar order than the shadowy saintliness of 
Louis IX. It paves the way for the study of Cardinal 
Richelieu, in whose work the idea of absolute kingly 
powere merges in clear outline. He in turn prepares 
the mind for the royal magnificence of Louis XIV. 

The age of the Grand Monarque helps to illustrate 
and explain many traits of the French people to-day. 
The punctilious courtesy of French society, its sen- 
sitiveness to all that is gracious and charming in 
social intercourse shows the influence of the old 
courtly etiquette. The French Academy still exists 
as a symbol of the national reverence for the French 
language as an instrument of fine art. Under Louis 
XIV that logical and orderly habit of mind which 
marks the people of contemporary France carried 
law and order to the limit of absolutism, as it had 

30 



EUROPEAN NATIONS 

previously carried feudalism to its most complete 
development. 

This group of leaders, it is believed, fairly t3^ifies 
various sides of French character. The exact meas- 
ure of their influence may not be traced by the most 
capable student, but the general tendency of their 
lives can be felt by the dullest. A study of their 
careers, it would seem, should contribute to a fuller 
understanding of the French people. 

Politically, France stands to-day for democracy. 
She has been the ally of the United States as a sister 
repubhc, warring against the powers of absolutism. 
Her significance in modern history lies in her service 
as the missionary to Europe of the doctrine of Liberie, 
£galite, Fraternite. To pupils whose previous study 
of Europe terminated with the year 1700, this situ- 
ation requires some explanation. It marks a star- 
tling break with the traditions of the French mon- 
archy. They want to know how it happens that the 
people who, at the time of the American Revolution 
represented the most autocratic government in 
Europe, have come to the position of leaders in the 
cause of liberty. For an answer to this question 
they are directed to the story of the gradual devel- 
opment in France of the democratic ideal. They 
trace the story of liberty through the writings of the 
French philosophers, the narratives of the American 
Revolution, and the fiery processes of the French 
Revolution. 

31 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

To American children the French Revolution takes 
on peculiar interest as it reveals the close interde- 
pendence of French and American thought at this 
period. They note that the ideals for which the 
American patriots fought became in France the 
watchwords of a revolution that shook all Europe. 
At this point it has been found profitable to read 
extracts from the correspondence of Frenchmen who 
came to the aid of America and mark the character- 
istics of American society which seemed to them novel 
or impressive. The journals and letters of Lafayette, 
Rochambeau, and many others abound with illus- 
trative material. Most illuminating are the rap- 
tures of Count Segur and his friends over the "ver- 
itable political Eldorado" which they found in 
America, or the dehght of Lafayette in the "sim- 
plicity of manners, kindness, love of country and of 
liberty, and the delightful equality that everywhere 
prevail." Their comments bring home to the reader 
the glaring contrasts between the life of our Revo- 
lutionary ancestors and the manners to which our 
French alKes were accustomed. They throw brilliant 
side lights on the characteristics of French society 
under the Old Regime. They also serve to throw into 
relief the blessings of freedom — blessings which the 
children of a republic are wont to take too much for 
granted. 

The time given to the details of the French Revo- 
lution must be determined by circumstances. To 

32 



EUROPEAN NATIONS 

emphasize the central idea which gives meaning to 
the excesses and confusions that marked the course 
of the conflict the words of George Meredith have 
been taken as a text. He characterizes the France of 
that day as 

"O she that made the brave appeal 
For manhood when our time was dark, 
And from our fetters drove the spark 
Which was as lightning to reveal 
New seasons with the swifter play 
Of pulses, and benigner day." 

The whole story of the Revolution was studied as a 
commentary on this poetic image. As symbols of 
this leadership of France over the forces of democ- 
racy, pupils noted with interest the adoption of the 
Tricolor, now recognized as the standard of liberty, 
and the choice of "The Marseillaise" as the French 
marching song of freedom. Even the Great War is 
seen to be a sequel to the democratic movement in- 
augurated in Europe by the French Revolution. 

The career of Napoleon is studied chiefly to explain 
the meaning of the term "the Napoleonic ideal" and 
to measure its significance. The brief account of 
Napoleon given in any good textbook offers sufficient 
material for discussion. The permanent results are 
emphasized more than the details of campaigns. 
Due credit is given for the good done by Napoleon in 
securing for future generations certain revolutionary 
reforms, like the aboHtion of privilege, the centraliz- 

33 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

ing of government and the revision of law. At the 
same time the deeper moral consequences of his sys- 
tem, the exaggerated pride in military glory, the 
extreme self-confidence, the restlessness under the 
monotony of peaceful living, which hurried France to 
the disaster of 1870, are seen to date back to the ab- 
normal conditions of life imposed by the great con- 
queror. Just now, too, many interesting parallels 
can be drawn between the causes and conduct of the 
two great wars, that of Napoleon and that of our own 
day. 

The years between Waterloo and 1870 were passed 
over lightly. In a brief study the rise and fall of suc- 
cessive governments has little significance except for 
the educational value of these changes to a people 
learning how to govern themselves. One fact stands 
out in high reHef as well worth attention, namely, 
that the will to self-government is not sufficient for 
any people, unless it is supplemented by the lessons 
of experience. 

With the outbreak of the Franco-Prussian War the 
obvious connection of passing events with the present 
crisis calls for fuller treatment. The causes of that 
war, the spirit of the contending parties, and the 
reason for the outcome of the struggle all require care- 
ful attention. In this connection the Alsace-Lorraine 
question excites lively comment and discussion. 

The striking contrast between French character 
as exhibited under the Second Empire and as revealed 

34 



EUROPEAN NATIONS 

by the present war leads to a study of the Third 
Republic as a school of moral development. Again 
the words of George Meredith furnish the text: 

" Lo, Strength is of the plain root-Virtues bom: 
Strength shall ye gain by service, prove in scorn, 
Train by endurance, by devotion shape. 
Strength is not won by miracle or rape. 
It is the offspring of the modest years." 

EarHer in the course the class tried to discern the 
qualities which the French people had received as an 
inheritance from the day of chivalry. Now they 
searched for the fruits of bitterness and defeat. 
They found, first, moral strength, "the offspring of 
the modest years"; then, frugality, which made pos- 
sible the prompt payment of the German war in- 
demnity; a national devotion to work almost as a 
fine art; an educational system which trained to 
thoroughness; and at last the steadfastness which has 
successfully withstood the second German onset. 

In the history of recent years little attention has 
been paid to the rise and fall of ministries or the shift- 
ing of parties. The chief emphasis is placed on the 
French system of republican government. Inciden- 
tally the separation of Church and State, and the 
development of the French colonial empire has re- 
ceived some attention. The main point to be brought 
out, however, is the democratic character of the 
French government. Its peculiar characteristics 
are contrasted with the features of the American 

35 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

system. Differences are noted with a view to bring- 
ing out the fact that government may be essentially 
democratic even though under varied forms. 

The conception of France here presented is sufh- 
ciently complex, yet it is far from complete. Much 
of the noblest French thought is beyond the compre- 
hension of the high-school pupil. Some characteris- 
tics of French society had best be left to the consid- 
eration of later years. The pupil must understand 
that he is not yet ready to pronounce a final opinion. 
He must cultivate an open mind. His present im- 
pression must be constantly corrected or expanded 
as a result of wider reading and fuller experience. 

FRANCE 
Topical Outline and Reading References 

Keynote: France, 1870. George Meredith. 

A. The Land of France. 

I. Map work, France in 1914. 
Boundaries. 

River systems and canals. 
Important centers of industry. 

11. Products of France. 

France, " Bountiful fair land of vine and grain." 

B, Industries of France. 

France, "Mother of luxuries." 

"Transcendent in her foundries, arts, and 
looms." 
Special Topic: Studies of French Handicrafts, 

36 



EUROPEAN NATIONS 

References: 

Bracq, France under the Republic, pp. 40-55. 

Brigham, Commercial Geography, pp. 321-32. 

Fortescue, "The Burden France has Borne"; in Na- 
tional Geographic Magazine, March, 191 7, pp. 323-44. 

Greeley, "The France of To-day"; in National Geo- 
graphic Magazine, September, 1914, PP- i93 ^• 

Guerard, French Civilization in the Nineteenth Century j 
pp. 18-25. 

Hillis, Studies of the Great War, pp. 53-7o- 

Jusserand, "Our First Alliance"; in National Geographic 
Magazine, June, 191 7, pp. 518-46. 

Jusserand, "Our Second Alliance"; in National Geo- 
graphic Magazine, June, 1917, p. 565. 

Riggs, "The Beauties of France"; in National Geo- 
graphic Magazine, November, 1915, pp- 391-491- 

Robinson and Beard, Outlines of European History, 
Part II, pp. 654-58. 

Robinson, Commercial Geography, pp. 390-97. 

Schapiro, Modern and Contemporary European History, 
pp. 244-48. 

Anon., "The World's Debt to France"; in National 
Geographic Magazine, May, 1915, pp. 491-501. 

The Fine Arts in France. 

French painting and sculpture. 
French architecture. 
Special study of Rheims Cathedral and of Notre Dame 
de Paris. 

References: 

Bumpus, Cathedrals of Northern France, pp. 28-69, i47" 

77. 
Cook, Twenty-five Great Houses of France. 
Fowler, History of Sculpture, pp. 301-15, 353-64. 
Hourticq, Art in France. 
Hoyt, The World's Painters, pp. 132-57. 

37 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

Masters in Art (French painters). 

Pennel, French Cathedrals. 

Van Dyke, A Textbook of the History of Painting. 

D. The French Nation. 

I. Discussion of the Question: How does it happen that 

we have a distinct nation called France? 
Review in textbook of the beginnings of France, 
The breaking of Charlemagne's Empire. 
The treaties of Verdun and Mersen. 
Development of the French nation under the 
Capetians. 
II. The origins of the French language. 
The Strasbourg oaths. 
References: 
Adams, The Growth of the French Nation, pp. 47-48, 

54-59. 
Davis, History of Medieval and Modern Europe, pp. 82- 

91. 
Munro, A History of the Middle Ages, pp. 18-23, 204-06. 
Robinson, History of Western Europe, pp. 92-95. 

E. The Influence of the Great Figures of the Past on the 

French Historic Tradition. 
I. Roland. 

Reference: 
Chanson de Roland, translated by John 
O'Hagan. 

II. Louis IX. 

References: 
Adams, Growth of the French Nation, pp. 89-96. 
Bemont and Monod, Mediceval Europe, pp. 

413-20. 
Duruy, History of France, pp. 159-65. 
Guizot, History of France, vol. i, pp. 433-53- 

38 



EUROPEAN NATIONS 

Kitchin, History of France, vol. i, pp. 344-54. 
Masson, Medieval France, pp. 92-132. 
Perry, Saint Louis. 
Robinson, Readings in European History, vol. 

I, pp. 212-18. 
Seignobos, History of Mediceval and Modern 

Civilization, pp. 123-25. 
Thatcher and Schwill, General History of 

Europe, pp. 225-27. 

III. Joan of Arc. 

References: 
Adams, Growth of the French Nation, pp. 130- 

32. 
Cheyney, Readings in English History, pp. 

289-96. 
Colby, Selections from the Sources of English 

History, pp. 1 13-17. 
Duruy, History of France, pp. 228-36. 
Kitchin, History of France, vol. i, pp. 536-53. 
Lowell, Joan of Arc. 

IV. Chevalier Bayard. 

References: 

Guizot, History of France, vol. n, pp. 417, 424- 

25, 455-59, vol. m, pp. 11, 57. 
Robinson, Readings in European History, vol. 
n, pp. 15-23. 

V. Henry of Navarre. 
References: 
Adams, Growth of the French Nation, pp. 177- 

88. 
Duruy, History of France, pp. 372-84. 
Hassall, The French People, pp. 151-58. 
Montgomery, Leading Facts of French History, 

pp. 166-69. 
Wakeman, Europe, i^gS-iyis, pp. 14-30. 

39 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

VI. Cardinal Richelieu. 
References: 
Adams, Growth of the French Nation, pp. 192- 

201. 
Harding, Essentials in Medieval and Modern 

History, pp. 342-45- 
Montgomery, Leading Facts of French History, 

pp. 173-81. 
Robinson, Readings in European History, vol. 

n, pp. 268-72. 
Wakeman, Europe, i^g8-i^i^, pp. 132-51. 
VII. Louis XIV. 

References: 
Adams, Growth of the French Nation, pp. 209- 

33. 
Duruy, History of France, pp. 460-67, 478- 

79- 
Hassall, The French People, pp. 170-85. 
Montgomery, Leading Facts of French History, 

pp. 198-208. 
Robinson, History of Western Europe, pp. 

495-508. 
Robinson, Medieval and Modern Times, pp. 

387-400. 
Readings in European History, vol. n, pp. 272- 

77, 283-87. 
Robinson and Beard, Outlines of European 

History, Part II, pp. 58-71. 
Robinson and Beard, Readings in Modern 

European History, vol. i, pp. 5-12, 15-47. 
Robinson and Breasted, Outlines of European 

History, Part I, pp. 681-95. 
Seignobos, History of Mediceval and Modern 

Civilization, pp. 349-68. 
Whitcomb, History of Modern Europe, pp. 

105-11. 

40 



EUROPEAN NATIONS 

F. France the Missionary to Europe of the Doctrine of 

LibertS, EgalitS, Fraternity. 

"O she that made the brave appeal 
For manhood when our time was dark, 
And from our fetters drove the spark 
Which was a hghtning to reveal 
New seasons with the swifter play 
Of pulses, and benigner day." 

I. Work of eighteenth-century writers in educating 
French thinkers to ideals of liberty and equality. 
Voltaire, Rousseau. 

II. Influence of the American Revolution. 

The Americans examples of men living imder 
conditions marked by Hberty and equality. 

m. The Revolution in France. 
Causes. 

Evils of the Old Regime. 
Important points in the struggle. 
Declaration of the Rights of Man. 
Successive experiments in self-government. 
The Tricolor and the "Marseillaise" as sym- 
bols of the new France. 

IV. Spread of the revolutionary idea throughout Europe. 

War with the old monarchies. 

The revolutionary spirit as a military force. 
References: 
Adams, Growth of the French Nation, pp. 254-55, 258- 

95; 

Davis, History of Medieval and Modern Europe, pp. 

378-418. 
Hassall, The French People, pp. 212-30. 
Hazen, Modern European History, pp. 31-150. _ 
Jusserand, With Americans of Past and Present Days, 

pp. 9-21. 

41 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

Ogg, Social Progress in Contemporary Europe, pp. 

6-8, lo, 12-13, 15-29. 
Robinson, History of Western Europe, pp. 537-91. 
Robinson, Medieval and Modern Times, pp. 464- 

525. 
Robinson, Readings in European History, vol. n, pp. 

360-460. 
Robinson and Beard, Outlines of European History, 

Part II, pp. 127-32, 149-61, 172-249. 
Robinson and Beard, Readings in Modern European 

History, vol. i, pp. 138-99, 263-308. 
Seignobos, History of Contemporary Civilization, pp. 

92-149. 
Sheldon, Studies in General History, pp. 466-73. 
Thatcher and Schwill, General History of Europe, pp. 

469-97. 
West, The Modern World, pp. 426-78. 
Whitcomb, A History of Modern Europe, pp. 135-58. 

The Napoleonic Tradition. 

"Ah what a dawn of splendour, when her sowers 
Went forth and bent the necks of populations. 
And of their terrors and humiliations 
Wove her the starry wreath that earthward lowers 
Now in the figure of a burning yoke! " etc. 

I. Textbook of the career of Napoleon I. 
Special topics for discussion. 
The Character of Napoleon I. 
Evils of the Napoleonic ideal. 
Comparison of economic and military condi- 
tions during the Napoleonic Wars and dur- 
ing the Great War. 

II. Rapid review of period of reconstruction and exper- 
iment. 

42 



EUROPEAN NATIONS 

in. France under the Third Napoleon. 

Characteristics of French society under the 

Second Empire. 
The Franco-Prussian War. 
Causes, Events, Results. 
Special Topic for Discussion: What is the Napoleonic 
Tradition and what has been the character of its 
influence ? 

References: 

Adams, Growth of the French Nation, pp. 295-315, 
325-29. 

Guerard, French Civilization in the Nineteenth Cen- 
tury, pp. 55-77. 

Hassall, The French People, pp. 231-49, 278-94, 365- 
66. 

Hazen, Modern European History, pp. 183-247, 351- 
58. 

Robinson, History of Western Europe, pp. 592-624. 

Robinson, Medieval and Modern Times, pp. 526-62, 
597-98, 619-22. 

Robinson, Readings in European History, vol. n, pp. 

465-529- 
Robinson and Beard, Outlines of European History, 

Part II, pp. 250-312, 385-91. 
Robinson and Beard, Readings in Modern European 

History, vol. i, pp. 309-71. 
Seignobos, History of Contemporary Civilization, pp. 
" 170-85, 258-60. 
Thatcher and Schwill, General History of Europe, pp. 

497-518, 546-58. 
West, The Modern World, pp. 480-505, 559-65, 588- 

90, 636-37. 
Whitcomb, A History of Modern Europe, pp. 159-74, 

178-79. 



43 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

H. The Lesson of 1870 by which France is profiting to-day. 

"Lo, Strength is of the plain root- Virtues born: 
Strength shall ye gain by service,,prove in scorn, 
Train by endurance, by devotion shape. 
Strength is not won by miracle or rape. 
It is the offspring of the modest years. " 

Frugality and economy as French characteristics. 
Prompt payment of the German indemnity. 
Devotion to work as a fine art. 
Thoroughness of education. 

References: 

Sergeant, French Perspectives, pp. 94-110. 
West, The Modern World, pp. 649-51. 

I. The French Government of to-day. 

Circumstances under which it was formed. 
PecuHar characteristics. 

Comparison with the Government of the United States. 
References: 

Adams, Growth of the French Nation, pp. 329-37. 
Guerlac, "The French Government"; in The Historical 

Outlook, October, 1918, pp. 357-60. 
Hazen, Europe since 181 5, pp. 342-48. 
Hazen, FiUy Years of Europe, pp. 65-80. 
Hazen, Modern European History, pp. 388-91. 
Ogg, The Governments of Europe, pp. 304-19, 325-29. 
Ogg and Beard, National Governments and the World 

War, pp. 329-72, 381-88, 397-404. 
Robinson, Medieval and Modern Times, pp. 636-37. 
Robinson and Beard, Development of Modern Europe, 

vol. II, pp. 159-61. 
Robinson and Beard, Outlines of European History, 

Part II, pp. 466-72. 
Schapiro, Modern and Contemporary European History ^ 

PP- 233-39. 

44 



EUROPEAN NATIONS 

Stoddard and Frank, The Stakes of the War, pp. 23-37, 

357-58. 
West, The Modern World, pp. 640-49. 

J. Colonies and Dependencies of France. 
Map work. 

Discussion of the value of the French colonial possessions. 
References: 

Coolidge, Origins of the Triple Alliance, pp. 191-208. 
Dawbarn, France and the French, pp. 187-204, 207. 
Day, History of Commerce, pp. 229-39, 415-16. 
Gibbons, The New Map of Africa, pp. 38-42, 130-46, 

312-54, 374-90- 
Hayes, Political and Social History of Modern Europe, 

vol. II, pp. 160-61, 567-69, 629-32. 
Hazen, Europe since 181 5, pp. 371-75- 
Hazen, Fifty Years of Europe, pp. 89-95. 
Hazen, Modern European History, pp. 403-08. 
Muir, Expansion of Europe, pp. 31-33, 80-84, 163-66, 

253-59. 
Robinson and Beard, Development of Modern Eur ope , 

vol. n, pp. 175-79- 
Robinson and Beard, Outlines of European History , 

Part n, pp. 485-89- 
Robinson and Beard, Readings in Modern European 

History, vol. 11, pp. 224-37. 
Seignobos, History of Contemporary Civilization, pp. 

355-65- 
West, The Modern World, pp. 651-53. 

K. Recent Changes in the French Republic. 
Separation of Church and State. 
Increasing influence of Socialists and Syndicalists. 
Economic and social experiments. 

Foundation of Ministry of Labour. 

Legislation in favor of the laboring man. 

Pension and insurance systems. 

45 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

References: 
Bracq, France under the Republic, pp. 136-55, 190- 

209, 428-41. 
Hayes, Political and Social History of Modern Europe , 

vol. n, pp. 270-71, 357-66. 
Hazen, Europe since 181 5, pp. 364-71. 
Hazen, Fifty Years of Europe, pp. 85-89. 
Hazen, Modern European History, pp. 400-03. 
Holt and Chilton, The History of Europe^ i862-igi4, 

pp. 310-12, 411-20. 
Ogg and Beard, National Governments and the World 

War, pp. 365-72. 
Robinson, Last Decade of European History, p. xx. 
Robinson, Medieval and Modern Times, pp. 637-42. 
Robinson and Beard, Development of Modern EuropCf 

vol. n, pp. 166-75. 
Robinson and Beard, Outlines of European History, 

Part n, pp. 477-85- 
Robinson and Beard, Readings in Modern European 

History, vol. n, pp. 224-37. 
Schapiro, Modern and Contemporary European History, 

pp. 260-70. 



2. ENGLAND 

"France was fascinating, of course, but England 
is more like coming home somehow. It is more like 
our way of thinking." In these words pupils have 
indicated one point of vantage enjoyed by the teacher 
of English history. The territory is famiHar. There 
is no language barrier. The habit of thought is that 
to which both teacher and pupils have been bred. For 
even those Americans who own no drop of English 

46 



EUROPEAN NATIONS 

blood are so far Anglicized in thought that England 
is the homeland to them almost as truly as to lineal 
descendants of Mayflower passengers. Interpreters 
between England and America are not required. 

It is well that England offers this vantage-ground 
to the teacher. The English system of government 
is so full of anomalies and contradictions that the 
task of instruction is difficult enough at best. An- 
swers to the simplest questions must be modified and 
qualified beyond all hope of clearness. What is the 
government of England? Is it a monarchy? Is it 
a democracy? Are we dealing with a kingdom, or a 
federation of states, or an empire? What is the unit 
of nationality? Is it England? Is it Great Britain? 
Is it the British Empire? These are fundamental ques- 
tions, but it is a wise teacher who can answer them. 

Out of this maze of complications two general 
topics have been selected as main lines of study — 
England as the mother of liberties, and England as 
the mother of colonies. / One of these subjects deals 
chiefly with the growth of the English constitution; 
the other includes the great commercial and imperial 
interests of the British Empire. These, with some 
discussion of modern social and industrial problems, 
are all that is attempted in the study of the British 
nation. The resultant concept is fragmentary, in- 
deed, but as far as it goes it is clear and logical. 

Since the greatest gift of England to the world has 
been the development of English liberties, the first 

47 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

lesson is devoted to the question — What are the 
fundamental liberties of Englishmen? A discussion 
of the privileges of citizenship in the United States 
is followed by a comparison of these free conditions 
enjoyed by the English and American with the re- 
strictions imposed upon a French citizen under the 
Old Regime or upon a Russian under the Czars. 
Gradually, by this process of contrast, the class comes 
to the conclusion that the absolute essentials of lib- 
erty are four in number — liberty of person, free con- 
trol of property, equal justice before the law, and a 
popular share in the government. Around these four 
topics is centered the study of English history from 
1215 to 1911. 

After the definition of English liberties, the next 
task is to trace their development through the cen- 
turies. The great documents which have helped to 
define and secure these liberties for successive gen- 
erations are the landmarks to be followed. 

First, Magna Carta, ''the Bible of the Enghsh con- 
stitution," is subjected to careful scrutiny. Its his- 
tory and provisions are studied that the pupil may 
discover how it dealt with the four essential liberties 
above mentioned. The difference between a consti- 
tution which is the fundamental law of the land and 
a charter which is merely a treaty between king and 
people is carefully pointed out. Special effort is made, 
however, not to obscure the issue by introducing too 
much collateral detail. The main object of the study 

48 



EUROPEAN NATIONS 

is kept constantly before the mind — to find just 
what contribution was made by the barons at Runny- 
mede toward the definition and the security of Eng- 
Hsh Hberties. 

The same method is applied in turn to the Con- 
firmation of the Charter, the Petition of Right, and 
the Bill of Rights. When, as in the case of the Puri- 
tan Revolution, these principles of liberty have been 
put to the test of civil war, the contest is studied 
rather to get its bearing on the point at issue than for 
its interest as a narrative. The object in the mind 
of the teacher is to bring pupils to the conclusion that 
liberty does not grow of itself; that it cannot be pre- 
served without effort. Its value to humanity is to 
be measured by its cost in struggle. 

Under the general heading, ''struggle for Govern- 
ment by the People," the topics are divided into three 
groups corresponding to the three great stages in the 
development of popular sovereignty. 

The first deals with the period of intermittent effort 
for a share in the government by the people. It be- 
gins with the provisions in Magna Carta for the Great 
Council of the Baronage and extends to the time 
when Sir John Eliot and Wentworth parted company 
in the effort to define the proper limits of parliamen- 
tary control. 

The second group of topics is concerned with the 
effort to establish definitely the principle of parlia- 
mentary control of the government. This period 

49 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

ends with the great parliamentary victory of the Bill 
of Rights and the Act of Succession. 

The third group deals with the estabhshment of 
popular control over the government. This includes 
the constitutional reforms of the nineteenth and 
twentieth centuries. The extension of the franchise, 
the evolution of a responsible ministry, the limita- 
tion of the power of the House of Lords, and the final 
extension of the franchise to women, all come under 
this head. 

The full purpose, however, in the work on consti- 
tutional development, which is to cultivate in each 
pupil an appreciation for the value and significance 
of his Anglo-Saxon heritage, can be most easily 
achieved by laying stress upon the human sacrifice 
involved. Men like Sir John Eliot or Hampden or 
Pym, each sacrificing his own interest for what he 
beheved to be the public good, have valuable lessons 
for the rising generation. The long line of EngHsh- 
men who have given their lives to the public service 
in the cause of liberty should be the boy's familiar 
acquaintances. To this end short biographical stud- 
ies have been introduced in connection with the con- 
stitutional study. The choice of subjects is deter- 
mined by the character of the available reading 
material. If the proper equipment is at hand, the 
''Study of Nations" by this means will retain some- 
thing of the warmth of human interest which tends to 
disappear in dealing with large groups like nations. 

50 



EUROPEAN NATIONS 

This somewhat extended study of the develop- 
ment of constitutional Hberty in England has proved 
of value, besides, as a means of breaking down old 
prejudices. Curiously enough, much of the old 
revolutionary antagonism toward England as a ty- 
rant still persists. One is inclined to agree with 
Mr. Altschul's conclusion, in his recent study of the 
American Revolution in American history textbooks,^ 
that this feeling is largely due to the partisan, anti- 
Enghsh treatment of the subject in the school-books. 
This feeling has shown itself in the minds of students 
beginning the ''Study of Nations." Once, during 
the first lesson on England, when it was suggested 
that English liberties were the great gift of England 
to the world, voices rose in dissent: ''Liberties! Not 
until we fought for them ! " The pupils were prepared 
to fight the battles of the Revolution over again, then 
and there. They were induced, however, to reserve 
judgment until they had studied the matter more at 
length. In due time the constitutional questions in- 
volved in the American Revolution came up for dis- 
cussion, but no direct reference was made to the 
question of England's tyranny. At last, when the 
work on Enghsh liberties was completed, the girl who 
had been most outspoken in condemnation of England 
rose to her feet, and of her own accord made a very 
pretty apology for the class. She said, in substance: 

^ Altschul, Charles: The American Revolution in Our School Text- 
books. George H. Doran Company. New York, 19 17. 

51 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

"When we spoke against England at first, we did not 
understand the situation. We had the impression 
from grammar-school study that England was just 
a tyrant. Now we see that the American Revolution 
was just one step in the development of English lib- 
erties. We should not speak of England in that way 
another time." She had learned her personal debt 
to the British constitution, if nothing more. 

A measure of economic liberty as well as political 
liberty is England's gift to her people to-day. The 
fight for freedom in trade goes along with the struggle 
for the right to vote. Cobden and Bright belong with 
Hampden and Pym as champions of liberty. The 
campaign for the repeal of the Corn Laws and the 
later extension of free-trade principles to all foreign 
commerce form the subject of a separate group of 
topics. They give a good opportunity for a Httle dis- 
cussion of the relative merits of free trade and protec- 
tion, which is calculated to bring out the peculiar 
economic situation of England. 

For an understanding of the present industrial sit- 
uation, the students must hark back to the Industrial 
Revolution. Familiar already from earlier study 
with the domestic system of industry, they follow 
with interest the story of the successive inventions 
which led to the present factory system. Children 
to-day are better equipped than in former years to 
understand the sudden transformation resulting from 
the Industrial Revolution, since they have personally 

52 



EUROPEAN NATIONS 

observed and perhaps experienced the effects of a 
similar reorganization of industry for war purposes. 
Many community problems, like the housing prob- 
lem or the question of transportation, are as acute 
to-day as when the factory system was new. This 
makes class discussion of these topics more vital than 
ever before. 

After studying in brief the story of the Industrial 
Revolution, pupils may apply to the study of English 
conditions the methods of Community Civics. They 
may make out in class a Hst of the modern community 
problems which have clearly grown out of the Indus- 
trial Revolution. Each pupil may choose the topic 
in which he is especially interested and make a special 
report upon it, based on library reading and observa- 
tion. The factory acts, the child labor laws, the 
housing problem, the development of transportation 
facihties, questions at issue between capital and la- 
bor, the rise of trades unions, all these topics will be 
found to be of vital importance in the local commun- 
ity as well as in the history of England. Pupils 
should be encouraged to get first-hand information 
about them by talking with relatives or friends who 
are in a position to speak with authority. England's 
method of dealing with these problems takes on new 
significance in the light of personal experience. 

In like manner the social reforms in England in 
recent years may be studied as solutions for familiar 
problems. The ' ' war on poverty ' ' is found especially 

S3 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

interesting because it deals with a problem with 
which many of the pupils are all too familiar. Some- 
times they can hardly wait to read to the end the 
story of the Lloyd George measures, so eager are they 
to know at once whether the experiment was success- 
ful so that poverty is really on the way to annihilation. 
In this connection, also, the principles and promises 
of sociaHsm come up for brief discussion. 

From the study of little England we pass to con- 
sideration of the British Empire. The widespread 
dominions of Great Britain, as they appear on the 
map, call from the class questions which serve as a 
guiding thread for the study of the narrative. Two 
leading questions indicate the line of study to be fol- 
lowed — How did England gain this empire? and, 
How does she keep it? 

In answer to the first question any good topical 
outline of the expansion of the British Empire may 
be followed. The story of the English mariners of 
the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, with due regard 
to the spirit and motive of their explorations, is fol- 
lowed by the account of the great trading companies 
which in turn prepared the way for the world-strug- 
gle for commerce and empire. Professor Seeley's ^ 
view of eighteenth-century history as centered 
around the struggle for colonial supremacy is now so 
universally adopted that the teacher finds it easy to 

1 Seeley, J. R.: Expansion of England. Little, Brown & Com- 
pany. Boston, 1883. 

54 



EUROPEAN NATIONS 

obtain suitable texts. In this connection, too, the 
classes have found it interesting to review once more 
the story of the English colonization of America, this 
time studying the colonies as business enterprises. 
The American Revolution, too, comes up for discus- 
sion again from the economic point of view. Once 
again the consideration of the colonies as a part of 
England gives a new aspect to the American Revolu- 
tion. The expansion of England in the nineteenth 
and twentieth centuries is studied with considerable 
care. This part of English history has taken on new 
importance with the outbreak of the Great War. 

Less thrilling than this story of conquest and 
peaceful expansion is the answer to the second ques- 
tion suggested above: How has England kept her 
colonies? Yet the example of administrative skill 
which England has given to the world in the govern- 
ment of her outlying dominions is no small part of her 
service to humanity. The system of self-governing 
commonwealths and dependencies which make up 
the British Empire, with all its imperfections, is quite 
as worthy of careful study as the most dramatic deed 
of daring explorers. 

The great failure in Ireland is no less illuminating, 
and nowhere else is an understanding of present con- 
ditions so dependent upon historical information. 
The bitterness of the Home Rule controversy is in- 
comprehensible on the surface, but in the light of 
history the motives and passions of the conflict are 

55 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

readily accounted for. The whole story of Ireland, 
from the conquest of Henry II down to our own day, 
is a great object lesson, moreover, to those who may 
themselves be called upon to deal with dependent 
states. Lastly, it may be used to show the possibil- 
ity of dispassionate discussion on a subject already 
heated by controversy. 

The final conclusion drawn by a pupil from the 
study of Ireland was this: "I have learned that many 
things the countries do now, can be explained by their 
past history, and that they could n't be expected to 
do much different in their view of the circumstances." 
This philosophic conclusion comes to most of us only 
after years of experience. If it can be attained thus 
early through the study of the past, the apologists 
for history in the schools can score a point in its 
favor. 

ENGLAND 

Topical Outline and Reading References 

A. English Liberties the Great Gift of England to the World. 

I. What are the fundamental EngUsh liberties? 
Liberty of person. 
Free control of property. 
Equal justice before the law. 
A share in the government by the people. 

11. What have EngHsh liberties cost? 
Landmarks in the struggle. 
Magna Carta, 121 5. 
Confirmation of the Charter, 1297. 

S6 



EUROPEAN NATIONS 

Petition of Right, 1628. 
Puritan Revolution, 1640. 
Bill of Rights, 1689. 

III. Outline of struggle for liberty of person. 

1. Magna Carta. 

Its basis: Charter of Henry I. 

Leader of the struggle: Stephen Langton. 

Provision as to personal liberty. 

" No man shall be seized or imprisoned or 
dispossessed or outlawed, save by legal 
judgment of his peers or by the law of 
the land." 

2. Petition of Right. 

Arbitrary imprisonment forbidden. 

3. The Puritan Revolution partly caused by the 

attempted arrest of five members of the 
House of Commons by the King. 

4. Habeas Corpus Act: security against delay of 

justice. 

IV. Outline of struggle for free control of property. 

1. Provisions of Magna Carta. 

None but the customary feudal aids to be 
demanded by the King without the con- 
sent of the Great Council of the Baronage. 

Means of HveHhood to be left to the poorest. 

2. Confirmation of the Charter by Edward I. 

No taxation without the consent of the 
Council. 

3. Control over taxation exercised by the Good 

ParHament. 

4. Interruption of development imder the Tudor 

sovereigns. 

Queen Elizabeth's monopoly speech. 

5. Parliamentary protest against benevolences 

under James I. 

57 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

6. Petition of Right. 

Forced loans and benevolences forbidden 
by act of Parliament. 

7. Matters in dispute put to the arbitrament of 

civil war. 

8. Parliamentary control over taxation secured 

by the Bill of Rights. 

V. Outline of struggle for government by the people. 

1. Period of struggle for a voice in the gov- 

ernment by representatives of the people 
(12 1 5-1640). 

a. Provision in Magna Carta for a Great 
Council. 

b. Parliament of Simon de Montfort. 

c. Model Parliament of Edward I. 

Two representatives from every shire. 
' Two burgesses from every borough. 

d. Powers exercised by the Good Parlia- 

ment. 

Control of taxation. 

Control of legislation. 

Control of the King's ministers. 

e. Position of ParHament under the Tudor 

sovereigns. 

ParHament subservient to the sover- 
eign, but the power of public opinion 
still strong. 

f. Under James I. 

Royal proclamations declared by 
ParHament not to have the force of 
law. 

2. Period of struggle to estabHsh the principle of 

ParHamentary control over the government 
(1620-1688). 

a. Contest with the Stuart sovereigns. 
Attitude of the King. 

58 



EUROPEAN NATIONS 

Claim to rule by divine right. 
Attitude of Parliamentarians. 
The right to rule a prerogative of 
representatives of the people. 
Chief weapon of ParHament. 

The power of the purse. 
Important phases of the struggle. 
Fight for freedom of speech in Par- 
Hament. 

Case of Sir John EHot. 
Attempted arrest of the five mem- 
bers. 
Fight for control of taxation. 
Perition of Right. 
Hampden and the Ship Money 
contest. 
Fight for control of the King's min- 
isters. 
Attempted impeachment of Buck- 
ingham. 
Trial and execution of Strafford. 

b. Culmination of the struggle. 

Civil war and execution of the King. 

c. Successive experiments in reorganiza- 

tion. 

Commonwealth. 
Protectorate. 
Recall of Charles II. 

d. Final victory of ParHament in Revolu- 

tion of 1688 and the BiU of Rights. 

References: 

Cestre, France, England and European Democracy, 

PP- 133-40, 143-45- 
Cheyney, Readings in English History, pp. 179-87, 

451-63, 545-50. 
HiU, Liberty Documents, pp. 9-48, 66-77, 122-41. 

59 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

Montague, Elements of English Constitutional History , 

PP- 51-57, 68-71, 113-16. 
Ogg and Beard, National Governments and the World 

War, pp. 167-80. 
Robinson, History of Western Europe, pp. 144-47, 

473-94, 523-25- 
Robinson, Readings in European History, vol. i, pp. 

231-41, vol. II, pp. 221-24, 261-63. 
Robinson and Breasted, Outlines of European History ^ 

Part I, pp. 419-22, 659-79. 
Robinson and Beard, Outlines of European History y 

Part II, pp. 31-57. 
Tuell and Hatch, Selected Readings in English History ^ 

pp. 83-89, 245-50, 3ic>-24. 

3. Struggle to establish democratic control of 
Parliament. 

a. Liberty of the press secured on the expi- 

ration of the Licensing Act. 

b. Gradual extension of the franchise. 

The Great Reform Bill, 1832. 
The Reform Bill of 1867. 
The Reform Bill of 1884. 
Extension of suffrage to women. 

c. EstabHshment of a ministry responsible 

to representatives of the people. 
The development of the Cabinet. 
The Cabinet of to-day. 

Its relation to the King. 

Its relation to the House of Com- 
mons. 

Changes made by the war. 

d. The revolution of 191 1. 

Power of the purse secured to the 

House of Commons. 
Abolition of veto power of the House 

of Lords. 

60 



EUROPEAN NATIONS s 

References: 

Cheyney, Supplement to A Short History of England, 

pp. 690-701. 
Cheyney, Readings in English History, pp. 676-90, 

735-47. 
Hazen, Europe since 181 5, pp. 430-38, 461-64, 735-47. 
Hazen, Fifty Years of Europe, pp. 121-24, 156-68. 
Hazen, Modern European History, pp. 454, 465-66, 

477-85. 
Jenks, The Government of the British Empire, pp. 99- 

116, 124-40. 
Holt and Chilton, History of Europe, pp. 131, 227- 

28, 396-410. 
Lowell, Greater European Governments, pp. 3-62. 
Montague, Elements of English Constitutional History ^ 

pp. 203-22. 
Moran, Theory and Practice of the English Govern- 
ment, pp. 65-101, 119-51. 
Ogg and Beard, National Governments and the World 

War, pp. 196-275. 
Robinson, The Last Decade, pp. i-vi, xvi-xvii. 
Robinson, Medieval and Modern Times, pp. 643-49. 
Robinson and Beend, Development of Modern Europe, 

vol. n, pp. 181-97. 
Robinson and Beard, Outlines of European History, 

Part II, pp. 491-507. 
Robinson and Beard, Readings in Modern European 

History, vol. n, pp. 239-66. 
Tuell and Hatch, Selected Readings in English History, 

pp. 379-92, 422-42, 459-66. 
Wallace, The Government of England, pp. 42-56, 1 20-39. 
West, The Modern World, pp. 606-15, 728-36. 

B. Industrial and Social Changes in Modern England. 
I. Adoption of free trade. 

The fight for the repeal of the corn laws. 
Adoption of free trade as a general policy. 

61 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

n. The industrial revolution. 

Changes from the domestic to the factory sys- 
tem. 
Economic and social results of the factory sys- 
tem. 
References: 

Cheyney, Industrial and Social History of England, 

pp. 203-16. 
Cheyney, Short History of England, pp. 639-42. 
Cheyney, Readings in English History, pp. 610-15, 

708-15. 
Day, History of Commerce, pp. 365-71. 
Gibbins, History of Commerce in Europe, pp. 184-91. 
Gibbins, Industrial History of England, pp. 176-98, 

213-14. 
Gibbins, Industry in England, pp. 336-57, 454-62. 
Hayes, Political and Social History of Modern Europe, 

vol. II, pp. 67-81, 91-93- 
Hazen, Europe since 181 5, pp. 450-57. 
Hazen, Modern European History, pp. 446-48. 
Herrick, History of Commerce and Industry, pp. 294- 

310. 
Kendall, Source-Book of English History, pp. 411-13. 
Robinson, Medieval and Modern Times, pp. 580-91, 

653. 
Robinson and Beard, Development of Modern Europe, 

vol. n, pp. 30-53, 213-18. 
Robinson and Beard, Outlines of European History, 

Part II, pp. 357-72, 516-18. 
Robinson and Beard, Readings in Modern European 

History, vol. 11, pp. 45-72, 287-289. 
Schapiro, Modern and Contemporary European History, 

pp. 25-44, 68-71. 
Tuell and Hatch, Selected Readings in English History, 

pp. 399-414, 415-21. 
West, Modern World, pp. 619-21. 

62 



EUROPEAN NATIONS 

III. Socialism and Syndicalism in England. 

Principles of the Socialists. 
Organizations for extending Socialist influence. 
Socialist principles in the platform of the new 
British Labor Party. 
References: 

Cheyney, Supplement to A Short History of England, 

pp. 704-07. 
Cheyney, Industrial and Social History of England, 

pp. 310-311. 
Ogg and Beard, National Governments and the World 

War, pp. 294-303. 
Robinson, The Last Decade, pp. xvn-xxn. 
Robinson and Beard, Development of Modern Europe, 

vol. n, pp. 400-05. 
Robinson and Beard, Outlines of European History, 

Part II, pp. 372-76. 
Robinson and Beard, Readings in Modern European 
History, vol. n, pp. 495-505- 

IV. Social reforms in England. 

The Factory Acts. 
The War on Poverty. 

Workman's Compensation Act. 

Legislation in favor of Trades Unions. 

Old age pensions. 

Employment bureaus. 

Wage boards. 

National insurance. 

New system of taxation. 
The Lloyd George Budget. 

References: 
Cheyney, Supplement to A Short History of England, 

pp. 682-91. 
Cheyney, Industrial and Social History of England, 

PP- 237-39, 244-62. 

63 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

Cheyney, Readings in English History, pp. 690-98. 
Gibbins, Industry in England, pp. 391-406, 419-26, 

456-59- 

Hayes, Political and Social History of Modern Europe, 
vol. n, pp. 307-19. 

Hazen, Europe since 181 5, pp. 515-16. 

Holt and Chilton, History of Europe, pp. 391-400. 

Robinson, The Last Decade, pp. xvii-xx. 

Robinson, Medieval and Modern Times, pp. 650-57. 

Robinson and Beard, Development of Modern Europe, 
vol. II, pp. 201-13. 

Robinson and Beard, Outlines of European History, 
Part n, pp. 512-15, 636-48. 

Schapiro, Modern and Contemporary European His- 
tory, pp. 364-67. 

West, The Modern World, pp. 616-18. 

C. England the Mother of Colonies. 
I. Map study. 

Present extent of the British Empire. 
Self-governing commonwealths. 
Dependencies. 

n. Comparison with the England of Shakespeare. 
"A jewel set in a silver sea," etc. 

III. Historical development of the British Empire. 

1. Period of exploration. 

England's part in the explorations of the 
fifteenth century. 
Work of John Cabot. 
The Merchant Adventurers. 
Spirit and motives of the mariners of the 
Elizabethan Age. 
Drake, Frobisher, Hawkins, Sir Hum- 
phrey Gilbert and Sir Walter Raleigh. 

2. The great trading companies of the sixteenth 

and seventeenth centuries. 

64 



EUROPEAN NATIONS 

The Muscovy Company, The Levant Com- 
pany, Guinea Company, East India 
Company, London Company and 
Plymouth Company. 
Extent of EngKsh commercial influence. 
Part played by the government in the 
work of the companies. 
The American colonies as business enter- 
prises. 
3. The Eighteenth Century struggle for colonial 
supremacy. 

a. In North America. 

Landmarks: Treaty of Utrecht, 17 13. 
Peace of Paris, 1763. 
Treaty of Paris, 1783. 

b. In India. 

Work of Clive and Hastings. 
Reorganization of the government of 
India. 

c. Struggle for self-defense against Na- 

poleon. 
Nelson and Wellington. 
Special Topic: EngHsh poetry as an index to national 
feeling. 
Reference: Bates and Coman, English History Told by 
English Poets. 

References: » 

Andrews, The Colonial Period, pp. 9-41, 42-61. 
Cheyney, European Background of American History y 

pp. 123-67. 
Cheyney, Short History of England, pp. 353-67. 
Cheyney, History of England, vol. i, pp. 309-459. 
Cheyney, Readings in English History, pp. 394-403, 

439-51, 590-603. 
Day, History of Commerce, pp. 199-227. 
Fiske, Discovery of America, vol. 11, pp. 213-33. 

6s 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

Gibbins, History of Commerce in Europe, pp. 124-50, 

163-78. 
Herrick, History of Commerce and Industry, pp. 207- 

18, 249-69, 269-91. 
Jacobs, Story of Geographical Discovery, pp. 119-24, 

133-34. 
Robinson, Medieval and Modern Times, pp. 424-41. 
Robinson and Beard, Outlines of European History, 

Part II, pp. 105-1.8. 
Spears, Master Mariners, pp. 109-221. 
Tuell and Hatch, Selected Readings tn English History, 

pp. 172-77, 216-22. 
Woodward, Expansion of the British Empire, pp. 11- 

98, 112-21, 162-205, 228-48. 

4. The British Empire in the Nineteenth and 
Twentieth Centuries. 

a. In India. 

Struggle with the Mahratta Con- 
federacy. 

Extension of territory to the border 
of China. 

Annexation in Burma. 

Conquest of the Sindh and Punjab 
regions. 

The Indian mutiny. 
Causes and results. 

Condition in 19 14. 

b. Formation of the Dominion of Canada. 

Form of government. 
Industrial and social conditions. 
The problem of the two races, 

c. The Commonwealths of Australia and 

New Zealand. 
Form of government. 
Industrial and social conditions. 
Circumstances under which Austra- 

66 ' 



EUROPEAN NATIONS 

lasia became a part of the British 
dominions. 

d. The South African Commonwealth. 

Its government and connection with 

England. 
Steps by which South Africa became 
British territory. 
Acquisition of Cape Colony. 
The First and Second Boer Wars. 

e. The protectorate over Egypt. 

Reasons for the importance of Egypt 

to England. 
Military and commercial importance 

of the Suez Canal. 
Circumstances under which England 

first interfered in the government of 

Egypt. 
The conquest of the Soudan. 

f. England in the islands, East and West. 

g. EngUsh interests in the Far East. 

References: 
Bigelow, The Children of the Nations, pp. 246-52, 314- 

30. 
Cestre, France, England and European Democracy, 

pp. 221-24, 226-29, 236-39. 
Cheyney, Short History of England, pp. 666-78. 
Cheyney, Readings in English History, pp. 752-67. 
Gibbins, History of Commerce in Europe, pp. 103-08. 
Gibbons, New Map of Africa, pp. 1-30, 43-91, 106- 

14, 189-227, 276-98, 421-80. 
Hayes, Political and Social History of Modern Europe, 

vol. n, pp. 640-75. 
Hazen, Europe since 181 5, pp. 519-49. 
Hazen, Fifty Years of Europe, pp. 166-201. 
Hazen, Modern European History, pp. 487-506, 511- 

14. 

67 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

Holt and Chilton, History of Europe, pp. 231-34, 

317-29, 333-40, 346. 
Jacobs, Story of Geographical Discovery, pp. 145- 

68. 
Jenks, Government of the British Empire, pp. 55-67, 

70-92. 
Lowell, Greater European Governments, pp. 77-92. 
Ogg and Beard, National Governments and the World 

War, pp. 304-23- 
Robinson, Medieval and Modern Times, pp. 657-72, 

721-23. 
Robinson and Beard, Development of Modern Europe, 

vol. n, pp. 233-59. 
Robinson and Beard, Outlines of European History, 

Part II, pp. 527-49. 
Robinson and Beard, Readings in Modern European 

History, vol. 11, pp. 306-37, 454-58. 
Schapiro, Modern and Contemporary European History, 

pp. 399-423- 
Siegnobos, History of Contemporary Civilization, pp. 

371-76. 
Tuell and Hatch, Selected Readings in English His- 
tory, pp. 474-87. 
Wallace, The Government of England^ pp. 267-334. 
West, Modern World, pp. 629-35. 
Whitcomb, History of Modern Europe, pp. 306-15, 

320-24. 
Woodward, Expansion of the British Empire, pp. 249- 

318. 
Anon., One Hundred British Seaports, National Geo- 
graphic Magazine, January, 191 7, pp. 84-93. 

5. The Question of Ireland. 

a. Reasons for Irish bitterness toward Eng- 
land. 
English misrule and tyranny to the 
end of the eighteenth century. 

68 



EUROPEAN NATIONS 

Claim of Henry II to Ireland. 

Establishment of the Pale. 

Religious and social differences be- 
tween English and Irish increased 
by tyranny of the Tudor sover- 
eigns. 

Suppression of rebellion and plant- 
ing of Ulster by James I, 

Cromwell's harsh treatment of Ire- 
land. 

Religious and economic oppression 
in the eighteenth century. 

b. Reasons for differences between Ulster 

and the South of Ireland. 
Circumstances under which Ulster was 

settled. 
Ulster championship of William of 

Orange. 
Differences of race, religion, and 

economic condition. 

c. Attempts to redress Ireland's wrongs. 

Catholic emancipation. 
Irish land reforms. 

Disestablishment of the Irish church. 
The fight for Home Rule. 

First and second Home Rule Bills. 
The Home Rule Bill of 19 14. 

Attitude of Ulster. 
Operation of Home Rule suspended 
by Parliament. 

d. Rebellion in Ireland. 

e. The Irish Convention. 
References: 

Cheyney, Supplement to Short History of England^ 

pp. 708-11. 
Cheyney, Readings in English History, pp. 748-52. 

69 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

Hayes, Political and Social History of Modern Europe, 

vol. II. pp. 320-26. 
Hazen, Europe since 1815, pp. 426-28, 467-77, 490- 

516. 
Hazen, Fijty Years of Europe, pp. 121-65. 
Hazen, Modern European History, pp. 454-59, 464- 

65, 466-72, 483-85. 
Holt and Chilton, History of Europe, pp. 229-31, 

512-18. 
Jenks, The Government of the British Empire, pp. 48-54. 
Robinson, The Last Decade, pp. vi-vii. 
Robinson, Medieval and Modern Times, pp. 657-61. 
Robinson and Beard, Development of Modern Europe, 

vol. II, pp. 220-32. 
Robinson and Beard, Outlines of European History, 

Part H, pp. 518-25. 
Robinson and Beard, Readings in Modern European 

History, vol. 11, pp. 293-305. 
Schapiro, Modern and Contemporary European History, 

pp. 382-98. 
Tuell and Hatch, Selected Readings in English History, 

pp. 442-46. 
West, Modern World, pp. 624-28, 733-34- 



3. GERMANY 

The study of nations can never become stereotyped. 
It is secured against that form of anathema by the 
power of changing circumstance. Of this general 
statement Germany forms the most striking illustra- 
tion. In the good days before the war, only a few 
short years ago, any characterization of the German 
nation would have laid emphasis on the wonderful ma- 
terial progress of Germany, on the might of her arma- 

70 



EUROPEAN NATIONS 

ments and the wealth of her industries. Much more, 
however, would have been said of the rich contribu- 
tions that Germany had made to the treasures of the 
spirit, whether in the realm of music, or philosophy or 
religion. To-day — what shall we say of Germany? 
What can we say? Little more, alas, than was said by 
a writer in a recent periodical: " Germany with ruth- 
less hand has shelled the careful structure of her 
past. Other peoples' cities she has destroyed, but her 
own traditions : surely she will build them again, but 
such ruins are slow rebuilding. The cathedral of 
her honor; the lighted dwelling-places of her quiet 
charm! Auf Wiedersehn, great German soul astray, 
Auf Wiedersehn r'^ Not, as before, in appreciative 
mood, but rather in the spirit of renunciation we 
must write of Germany to-day. 

Meantime what shall we teach of Germany? The 
answer, for the present, seems to be found in the 
patriotic needs growing out of the war time. The 
history teachers of America must act as the agents 
of their government in training the future citizens to 
understand and appreciate the values of democracy, 
even as the Prussian teachers have long since learned 
to make the teaching of history an instrument of 
imperial policies. In war or in peace the true mean- 
ing and significance of democracy must be made the 
central subject of instruction. 

^ Warner, Frances Lester: " Preserving the Past"; in Atlantic 
Monthly, November, 1917, p. 640. 

71 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

In the fulfillment of this purpose the topics on Ger- 
many in the '' Study of Nations " have been grouped 
under the headings, Autocracy, Militarism and Ma- 
terial Efficiency. 

For the study of German autocracy at the present 
day the pamphlet issued by the Committee on Public 
Information entitled The Government of Germany ^ 
is by far the best text. These sixteen pages outline 
clearly the form of the German imperial government 
and of the government of Prussia. They also explain 
how the various parts of these governments function 
in actual practice. Copies of the pamphlet placed in 
the school Kbrary are in constant request. "That is 
a good book," pupils say. "It is so clear; you can 
tell what he is driving at." This is high praise. 
Although the report was not issued primarily for the 
benefit of secondary schools, it has proved a great 
blessing to history teachers and deserves a high place 
among school textbooks. Because it is written for 
the common man, not for the scholar, it places the em- 
phasis on elementary principles. To give the mean- 
ing, not alone the form of autocracy, is its object. 
To this central idea all forms are made subsidiary. 
This book might well have been made especially for 
use in a study of nations. 

With autocracy as a working partner, goes mili- 
tarism. For the most illuminating definition of this 

1 Hazen, Charles Downer: The Government of Germany. Wash- 
ington, 19 18. 

72 



EUROPEAN NATIONS 

system we turned to Mr. Dawson's What is Wrong 
with Germany? In discussing *'The Inwardness of 
Militarism," he says: "The conception of militarism 
makes the army a direct instrument of State policy, 
and war a legitimate poHtical purpose, instead of a 
terrible abnormality. In accordance with that idea 
the whole life of the nation is organized on a military 
plan. The home, the school, professional life, indus- 
trial and commercial relationships, the working of 
the State and public services — all are regulated 
from the standpoint of warlike possibilities, and sub- 
ordinated to the one supreme consideration, how best 
to convert the nation into an efficient fighting ma- 
chine. In order that this view of State purpose may 
be reahzed, the civilian's placid life is represented as 
something inferior to the career of the soldier, and 
a powerful administrative caste is set up, as a class 
apart from the rest of the nation, whose business it is 
to personify the military ideal and keep before the 
nation the view that war is a worthier pursuit than 
peace." ^ After this definition is copied by the pupils, 
each clause may be made the subject of class dis- 
cussion. 

The next step is a review of Prussian history to 
see what part autocracy and militarism has played 
in its development. A little study of the map 
shows that the mihtarists have much truth on their 

^ Dawson, William Harbutt: What is Wrong with Germany ? p. 114. 
Longmans, Green & Company. New York, 1915. 

73 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

side when they claim that the great gains of the 
HohenzoUern family in the past have come by war. 
The seizure of Silesia and the partition of Poland by 
the autocratic Frederick II first secured the recogni- 
tion of Prussia among the Great Powers of Europe. 
Later the "blood and iron" policy of Bismarck in the 
Schleswig-Holstein War, the Austro-Prussian War, 
and the Franco-Prussian War gave to the Hohen- 
zoUern rulers of Prussia the seat of authority in the 
German Empire. In the light of history it is easy 
for students to see how autocracy and militarism to- 
gether might seem to the Germans necessary condi- 
tions of expansion and development. 

When, after this historical excursion, the class turns 
again to Germany of the present day, the policies of 
WilHam II take on new significance. The last Ger- 
man Emperor is seen to have acted in full accordance 
with the traditions of his house. By the use of the 
army his ancestors had made Prussia great. By the 
same weapon he purposed to carry on their work. 
Personally he appears to be even more truly a "war 
lord" than any former HohenzoUern. With his love 
of the army, the other characteristics noted in him by 
Mr. Dawson — ^" ancestor worship," "supreme self- 
confidence," and "behef in the divine right of kings" 

— all mark him as one destined to high ambitions. 
They go far to explain the part Prussia has played 
in recent history. 

- Before leaving the subject of militarism it seems 

74 



EUROPEAN NATIONS 

well to consider the effect of that system on the social 
and political life of the German people. Pupils learn 
from Mr. Dawson's book that in Germany it has 
worked against the establishment of a democratic 
society by creating a rigid distinction of rank that 
amounts almost to a caste system. Its political 
influence is summed up as follows: ^ ^'Militarism has 
been the enemy of poHtical liberty in Prussia. Rely- 
ing on its support kings have broken their promises 
of constitutional reforms, popular movements have 
been thwarted, and Prussia has retained its unenvi- 
able reputation as the most backward state in Ger- 
many in poHtical matters." A brief discussion 
suffices to show that the militarist system cannot 
permanently exist in a democratic state. 

To show the extremes of brutality to which mili- 
tarism can be carried the Zabem incident is intro- 
duced as a case in point. Whatever ulterior pur- 
poses, official or military, may have been back of that 
incident, it seems safe to use it as an example of the 
length to which mihtary audacity might go in the face 
of popular protest. As the story is told in Alsace- 
Lorraine under German Rule, by Charles D. Hazen, 
or in many other recent books, it serves as a warning 
against the evils of autocratic government backed by 
the militarist system. 

Concrete illustrations like the Zabern incident are 
sorely needed at all points in teaching institutional 

* Dawson, William Harbutt : What is Wrong with Germany ? p. 121. 

75 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

history to high-school pupils. Experience has shown 
that many a pupil who can make a glib recitation on 
the forms of a government like that of Germany, for 
instance, may yet fail to answer intelligently the 
simplest question which involves an application of 
the facts he has so carefully committed to memory. 
Every variety of expedient must be devised to im- 
press upon him the actual working of the system 
rather than its outward form. 

As one way of meeting this need in the case of the 
government of Germany, a chart has been prepared 
(pp. 84-85), giving in parallel columns a comparative 
view of the governments of Great Britain and the 
German Empire. These two systems lend themselves 
especially well to the purpose, because, while both 
are in form constitutional monarchies, the one in 
practice represents democracy and the other autoc- 
racy. It is hoped that by this comparative study the 
essential differences between the two ideals will stand 
out sharply. 

Pupils must learn to distinguish that which is es- 
sential to democracy from that which is mere matter 
of form. In both countries they notice at once that 
the government is ostensibly in the hands of a mon- 
arch and a parliamentary body acting concurrently. 
In each case they find that the representative assem- 
bly is made up of two chambers, one aristocratic and 
one filled by popular election. In both systems the 
first minister is the chief administrative officer. Yet 

76 



EUROPEAN NATIONS 

in Great Britain they know that the House of Com- 
mons is the real controlling force, while in Germany- 
it was the Emperor who acted with power. They 
perceive clearly that autocracy is not a mere matter 
of form. Neither, they find, is democracy always of 
the same pattern. Government by the people in 
Great Britain proves not inconsistent with monar- 
chical forms. This is a new idea to many American 
children. Even after studying the government of 
England they still cling to the idea that only a repub- 
lic can be truly democratic. The comparison of the 
British with the German government helps to remove 
this impression. It helps to the understanding of 
the British system as well as the German. 

Out of this discussion also emerges the conviction 
that the safety of the state depends not on a writ- 
ten constitution but on the political experience of 
its people. In Germany and England, as in France, 
historic tradition is seen to be a determining factor 
in the making of history. To make this clear, the 
class reviews once more, in brief, the long struggle 
for liberty in England and the series of experiments 
in government by which the English people at last 
secured the mastery over affairs of state. By way of 
contrast they then consider the circumstances under 
which the German constitution was made; that it was 
the work of a reactionary statesman, and was given 
to the people, full grown, as the gift of royalty. In 
England they see popular government secured with- 

77 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

out a formal constitution; in the German Empire they 
find every formality of written document without 
adequate safeguards for popular rights. 

The actual effect of these political conditions on the 
life of the individual is perhaps the most instructive 
part of the comparison. On this point the chart is 
largely a summary of portions of the book referred 
to in an earlier connection, What is Wrong with Ger- 
many? by William Harbutt Dawson. This little 
volume contains materials for comparison in conven- 
ient form. Since Mr. Dawson has given his life to 
the study of Germany and German institutions, he 
is able from his special knowledge to furnish just the 
information and illustration which is needed. The 
book is not written in a style suitable for children, 
but is admirably adapted to the need of the teacher. 

In the chart, under the topic "Privileges of Citi- 
zens," a comparison is first made of the measure of 
personal liberty enjoyed by the Englishman and the 
German respectively. It is seen that the English- 
man's right to freedom of speech and action are 
safeguarded to the utmost; that even the orators in 
Hyde Park, or the Suffragettes who openly criticize 
the government, carry on their agitation under the 
full protection of the police. The German on the 
other hand could hold public meetings and conduct 
popular agitation only at the discretion of the police, 
and was hampered at every turn by verboten signs. 
^- In the matter of freedom of the press the two quo- 

78 



EUROPEAN NATIONS 

tations on the power of public opinion give the whole 
contrast ibetween the two countries as in a nutshell. 
In England, we find "public opinion a check on 
government," while in Germany, it was so managed 
as to be "a lever in the hands of government." It is 
only necessary by way of illustration to call attention 
to the difference between the power of Lord North- 
cliff e, who, it is said, can make and unmake ministries 
by the influence of his journals with the comparative 
helplessness of the German editor under the Empire. 

The case is seen to be similar in questions relating 
to popular control of the government. The power 
of the purse, which custom has long since given in 
England to the representatives of the people, was en- 
joyed by the German in only a limited degree, since 
only bills for new taxation required his consent. 
In this, as in all matters of legislation, the Reichstag, 
the popular house, acted largely under the compul- 
sion of the Emperor and the Bundesrath. In admin- 
istrative questions the will of the lower house was 
even less effective, since the English device of a min- 
istry responsible to the people was here replaced by 
a Chancellor responsible to the Kaiser. 

The German under the Empire, then, is understood 
to have lacked the fundamental liberties for which 
the EngKshman began to fight in the thirteenth cen- 
tury, and which have been secured to him by con- 
stant revision of the government to suit his needs. 
The German did not enjoy complete personal lib- 

79 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

erty, whether in speech or action. He did not control 
his property, since he could be taxed without the con- 
sent of his representatives. He had neither control 
of legislation nor responsibility for the administration 
of the government. Even equal justice before the 
law would seem to have been an uncertain privilege. 
Furthermore the Emperor, through his influence over 
the Prussian delegates in the Bundesrath, could block 
any attempt at revision of the constitution. A con- 
sideration of these conditions shows the pupil that 
much of the difference between the English and the 
Germans as a people is to be explained by the fact 
that the Germans have been denied the educational 
advantage of those experiments in government by 
means of which the English have worked out their 
political problems. 

The effect of the illiberal system of the Germans 
on the character of the individual citizen is made 
the subject of further parallel study. Mr. Dawson 
points out that official censorship of public opinion 
and discouragement of a critical spirit cannot fail to 
train the citizen to habits of intellectual docility, and 
to the custom of leaving everything to the state. As 
a result, the sense of public responsibility is not well 
developed. Individual initiative and independence 
of spirit do not flourish in such an atmosphere. Yet 
these are the very quahties most needed for success- 
ful self-government. The conclusion to be drawn by 
pupils is that the democratic government under 

80 



EUROPEAN NATIONS 

which they live differs from that of the German Em- 
pire in that it has a greater tendency to exalt the indi- 
vidual and calls for a higher quality of citizenship. 
This is a reflection calculated to fire the ambition 
and elevate the conscience. 

After Autocracy and Mihtarism, "Material Effi- 
ciency" was indicated in the outline as a third general 
topic. 

Under this heading comes first the conservation 
and use of natural resources. Germany's management 
of forests and mines, her improvements of rivers and 
harbors, her use of the transportation system for the 
furtherance of industry should all be included under 
this head. Closely allied to these topics are those 
which deal with the commercial development of the 
country, like the tariff policy, or the use of free ports. 
In general the methods by means of which German 
pre-war commerce reached formidable proportions 
ought to be clearly understood. 

These subjects lead naturally to the consideration 
of the movement for expansion which accompanied 
commercial development. This involves a journey 
almost around the world map in the effort to trace 
the extent of German ambition. The Far East, 
Mesopotamia, the Berlin to Bagdad railway route, 
Morocco, South America, the whole extent of Pan- 
German ambition must be followed on the map and 
its significance explained. 

A place ought to be found, too, for a brief consider- 
8i 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

ation of German methods of dealing with community 
problems. The German city governments with their 
ample provision for every side of community life 
have many lessons for the American boy, if he will 
but heed them. He must be made to feel that no 
democracy fully justifies itself until the public wealth 
and the public interest are as efficiently conserved 
by representatives of the people as by an especially 
trained bureaucracy. If that is not the case to-day, 
it is a part of his business to prepare himself to make 
improvements when he in turn becomes a voter. 

On the topic of state socialism a parallel study of 
experiments in Germany and in Great Britain gives 
additional illustration of the outward similarity and 
inward difference between the two governments. 
In both countries the "war on poverty" has been 
accepted as the business of the state. But in Ger- 
many that policy was adopted as a bar to the rising 
tide of democratic socialism, while in England it was 
imdertaken as one step in the development of the 
growing democracy. A comparative survey of the 
method and underlying spirit of this work in each 
country helps the student to clarify his conception of 
both nations. 

In a discussion of German education the boy is 
in a position to speak advisedly. Here he can make 
comparisons for himself. It will not take him long 
to discover some startling differences between the 
German system and that of which he is himself a part. 

82 



EUROPEAN NATIONS 

The careful maintenance of class distinctions in Ger- 
many, for instance, is in sharp contrast to the democ- 
racy of the American public school. Equally for- 
eign is the intense seriousness of the German boy's 
application to his work. The explanation for this 
in the rigor of state control over the entire life of the 
citizen opens to the boy an entirely new train of 
thought as he considers, probably for the first time, 
his own relation as a schoolboy to the state which 
provides for his education. 

These topics for the study of Germany admit of 
great variety in treatment. Although limited in 
number, they cover much ground. They may be still 
further amplified if time permits, or they may take 
the skeleton form adopted by the textbooks. The 
real question is not the letter but the spirit of the dis- 
cussion. Germany at the present time does not offer 
a favorable field for the development of a dispassion- 
ate, scientific habit of mind. The emotions of the 
war time forbid. In some communities anything but 
the bitterest denunciation of all things German is 
thought to savor of disloyalty. In other places pupils 
meet with a sharp challenge all arguments in favor of 
the war. The needs of the community must deter- 
mine the character of the teaching. In this part of 
the work as nowhere else the teacher has urgent need 
of sound wisdom and discretion. 



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THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

GERMANY 
Topical Outline and Reading References 

Characteristics of the German Imperial Government: 

Autocracy, Militarism, Material Efficiency. 
A. Autocracy. 

The government constitutional in form, autocratic in prac- 
tice. 
I. The Emperor. 

Military power. 

Influence over foreign relations. 

Executive power. 

Legislative power. 

Judicial power. 

II. The Chancellor. 

By whom appointed. 
To whom responsible. 
Powers and duties. 

III. The Bundesrath. 

Composition. 
Powers. 

IV. The Reichstag. 

Method of election. 
Limitations on its power. 

Government of the Kingdom of Prussia. 
I. The King. 
His powers. 

II. The Landtag. 

House of Lords. 

Appointed by the Crown. 
House of Representatives. 

Elected by the three class system. 

Limitations on its power. 

86 



EUROPEAN NATIONS 

III. Local government. 

Large powers reserved to the President of the 
Province. 

IV. Prussian Bureaucracy 

2,000,000 officials recruited largely from the 
classes that profit most by absolutism. 

References: 

Bryce, The Holy Roman Empire^ pp. 483-89. 

Davis, The Roots of the War, pp. 178-93. 

Dawson, German Life in Town and Country, pp. 252- 
68, 282-312, 

Dawson, Germany and the Germans, vol. I, pp. 54-82, 
vol. n, pp. 1-48. 

Fullerton, Germany of To-Day, pp. 8-59. 

Harding, The Great War, p. 13. 

Hazen, Europe since 181 5, pp. 303-05. 

Hazen, Fifty Years of Europe, pp. 33-38, 54-64. 

Hazen, The Government of Germany. 

Hazen, Modern European History, pp. 363-66. 

Lowell, Greater European Governments, pp. 233-309. 

Ogg, Social Progress in Contemporary Europe, pp. 161- 
67. 

Ogg and Beard, National Governments and the World 
War, pp. 456-512. 

Schapiro, Modern and Contemporary European His- 
tory, pp. 277-85. 

Smoot, Germany^s Form of Government, Magazine of 
Current History, July, 1917, pp. 516-21. 

Tower, Germany of To-day, pp. 2 1-68. 

West, Modern World, pp. 654-57. 

Von Billow, Imperial Germany, pp. 131-40. 

B. Militarism in Germany. 
Meaning of militarism. 

"The conception of militarism makes the army a 

87 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

direct instrument of State policy and war a legitimate 
political purpose, instead of a terrible abnormality. 
In accordance with that idea the whole life of the na- 
tion is organized on a military plan. The home, the 
school, professional life, industrial and commercial 
relationships, the working of the State and pubHc serv- 
ice, — all are regulated from the standpoint of warlike 
possibilities, and subordinated to the one supreme 
consideration, how best to convert the nation into an 
efficient fighting machine. In order that this view of 
State purpose may be reaHzed, the civilian's placid life 
is represented as something inferior to the career of 
the soldier, and a powerful administrative caste is set 
up, as a class apart from the rest of the nation, whose 
business it is to personify the military ideal and keep 
before the nation the view that war is a worthier pur- 
suit than peace." (W. H. Dawson, What is Wrong 
with Germany? p. 114.) 
Historical basis for Prussian militarism. 
PoHcies of the Great Elector. 
Methods by which Frederick the Great made Prussia 

powerful. 
Wars deliberately provoked to secure Prussian 

ascendency. 

The Schleswig-Holstein War. 

The Austro-Prussian War. 

The Franco-Prussian War. 
Attitude of William II toward militarism. 

William II "a true HohenzoUern," "first a soldier, 

then a citizen, first the leader of the Prussian 

army, then King of the Prussian people." 
Significant characteristics of WiUiam II. 
Ancestor worship. 
Belief in the divine right of kings. 
Supreme self-confidence. 
PoHtical and social effect of miUtarism. 



EUROPEAN NATIONS 

Militarism the enemy of democracy and political lib- 
erty. 
Illustration: the Zabern affair. 
References: 

Coolidge, Origins of the Triple Alliance, pp. 27-53. 
Davis, Medieval and Modern Europe, pp. 342-43, 

351-56, 493-509- 
Davis, The Roots of the War, pp. 3-23, 210-15, 218- 

24. 
Dawson, German Life in Town and Country, pp. 25- 

27, 92-121. 
Dawson, Germany and the Germans, vol. i, pp. 22-53. 
Dawson, What is Wrong with Germany ? pp. 89-130. 
Harding, The Great War, pp. i, 8-9. 
Hazen, Alsace-Lorraine under German Rule, pp. 189- 

214. 
Hazen, Fifty Years of Europe, pp. 16-32, 52-54. 
Hazen, Modern European History, pp. 341-50. 
Hillis, Studies of the Great War, pp. 246-47. 
Prothero, German Policy before the War, pp. 2-4, 17-24. 
Robinson, The Last Decade of European History and 

the Great War, pp. xxiii-xxv, Ixiv-lxix. 
Robinson, History of Western Europe, pp. 515-22. 
Robinson, Medieval and Modern Times, pp. 409-19, 

612-22, 727-30. 
Schapiro, Modern and Contemporary European HiS' 

tory, pp. 308-14. 
Tower, Germany of To-day, pp. 69-85. 
West, The Modern World, pp. 416, 582-91, 657-59. 
Whitcomb, History of Modern Europe, pp. 213-19. 

C. Economic Organization of the German Empire. 
I. Natural resources. 
II. Transportation system. 
Rivers and canals. 
Railroads and ports. 

89 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

III. Industries. 

Organization of industry. 

Condition of the laborer in town and country. 

Pension and insurance systems. 

Care for the unemployed. 

IV. Commerce. 

Its extent. 
Its methods. 
^ Tariff policy and free ports. 
References: 

Davis, The Roots of the WaVy pp. 202-04. 
Dawson, The Evolution of Modern Germany, pp. 
46-65, 71-74, 79-94, 148-64, 209-20, 232-35, 336- 

39. 
Dawson, The German Workman, pp. 1-86, 194-241. 
Dawson, Industrial Germany, pp. 21-44, 228-45. 
Dawson, Municipal Life and Government in Germany, 

pp. 300-08. 
Gibbons, New Map of Africa, pp. 173-88, 228-43, 

299-311, 470-80. 
Herrick, History of Commerce and Industry, pp. 373- 

400. 
Howe, Socialized Germany, pp. 80-160. 
Ogg, Social Progress in Contemporary Europe, pp. 116- 

19, 123-24. 
Schapiro, Modern and Contemporary European HiS' 

tory, pp. 293-306- 
Tower, Germany of To-day, pp. 160-82. 
West, The Modern World, pp. 664-68. 

D. City Government. 

Administration of German cities. 
Expert training for municipal office. 

Lack of practice in self-government. 
Method of city planning. 
Provision for recreation and education. 

90 



EUROPEAN NATIONS 

References: 

Anon., The German Nation, National Geographic 

Magazine, vol. xxvi, pp. 275-87. 
Dawson, Germany and the Germans, vol. i, pp. 54-82. 
Dawson, German Life in Town and Country, pp. 271- 

77, 279-82. 
Dawson, Municipal Life and Government in Germany^ 

pp. 123-61, 208-79. 
Howe, European Cities at Work, pp. 3-270. 
Howe, The Modern City and its Problems, pp. 118-31, 

218-29, 261-71, 296-303. 
Howe, Socialized Germany, pp. 265-323. 
Munro, The Government of European Cities, pp. 109- 

208. 
Robinson, Medieval and Modern Times, pp. 634-35. 
Tower, Germany of To-day, pp. 100-28. 

E. Education as an Instrument of State Policy. 

General Characteristics. 
Adaptation of educational system to all forms of public 
service. 
Elementary education. 
Vocational education. 
The Gymnasia and the Universities. 
Preservation of social distinctions in the educational 

system. 
Thoroughness of training. 
References: 

Cestre, France, England and European Democracy^ 
pp. 261-66. 
' Dawson, German Life in Town and Country, pp. 1 2 2-41 . 
Dawson, Municipal Life and Government in Germany, 
pp. 292-96, 311-37- 

F. Some tendencies of German literature and thought. 

Emphasis on the idea of duty, especially duty to one's 
country. 

91 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

Kant, Fichte, Hegel. 

Glorification of the German nation. 
Historic drama of Schiller. 
Impetus given to nationalist spirit by German 

historians. 
Recent development of the Pan- German idea. 
References: 

Robinson, The Last Decade of European History and 
The Great War, pp. Ixiv-lxviii. 

Robinson and Beard, Outlines of European History ^ 
Part II, pp. 330-33- 

Schapiro, Modern and Contemporary European His- 
tory, pp. 139-42, 321-23- 

Schapiro, War Cyclopedia, "Pan-Germanism." 

G. German Expansion. 

Colonies in Africa. 

Island possessions. 

Commercial interests in China, Asia Minor, Mesopo- 
tamia and in Latin America. 

References: 

Bigelow, The Children of the Nations, pp. 11 1-26. 
Day, History of Commerce, pp. 399-406. 
Gibbins, History of Commerce in Europe, pp. 200-03. 
Gibbons, New Map of Africa, 173-88, 228-43, 299- 

311. 
Hazen, Modern European History, pp. 373-74, 408. 
Holt and Chilton, History of Europe, pp. 302-04, 

331-35, 456-71, 532-33- 
Prothero, German Policy Before the War, pp. 26-31, 

35-43. 
Robinson and Beard, Development of Modern Europe, 

vol. II, pp. 143-45. 
Robinson and Beard, Outlines of European History, 

Part II, pp. 455-56, 459-60. 
West, Modern World, pp. 663-64. 

92 



EUROPEAN NATIONS 



4. RUSSIA 



The teacher would be bold to the point of rashness 
who undertook at this juncture an interpretation of 
the Russian nation. It is an impossible task. Yet 
any view of Europe which omitted Russia would 
stand convicted of gross inadequacy. A country 
which covers one sixth of the earth's surface cannot 
be lightly overlooked. Between the two horns of the 
dilemma the Study of Nations is awkwardly placed. 
At best only a makeshift outHne can be attempted. 
Wherever any sohd ground appears it may be taken 
for a foundation. If anything that looks like a con- 
structive force emerges from the surrounding chaos 
it may be noted and explained, so far as possible. The 
rest must be left for the revision of happier times. 

Russian geography at least is as yet stable save for 
its outer fringe. So far as the history of the country 
is determined by vastness of territory or rigors of 
climate the situation remains unchanged. The study 
of productions and natural resources is still profitable. 
The map still shows the limitations imposed by the 
lack of adequate seaports. As geography is the key 
to much of Russian history a good starting-point is 
thus secured. 

Both at home and abroad geographical conditions 
are seen to influence the course of events. Many of 
the difficulties of administration have been due to the 
wide expanse of Russian territory and to her multi- 

93 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

tudinous population. Russian foreign policy from 
the time of Peter the Great to our own day has been 
largely dictated by the need for ice-free ports. This, 
too, explains the importance of the Black Sea region 
to Russia, and accounts for her anxious interest in 
the fate of Constantinople. It is at the bottom of 
her rivalry with Austria for influence in the Balkans. 
It has led to international complications even on the 
Pacific coast. A study of geography in Russian his- 
tory, then, leads the pupil beyond the threshold of the 
Great War to the most recent developments both 
East and West. 

Far more difficult than the explanation of Russian 
foreign policy is the translation of Russian civiliza- 
tion into terms of the high-school vocabulary, or into 
the range of the pupil's ideas. In some sections per- 
sonal acquaintance with the views and aspirations of 
Russians in this country may make an opening for the 
consideration of the dreams and ambitions of Russians 
at home. For the most part, however, Russian national 
character must remain an enigma to the American 
student. Russian literature is certainly beyond the 
comprehension of the high-school pupil. Few exam- 
ples of Russian art are within reach. Russian reUgion 
has many unfamiliar features. Russian music is in- 
deed somewhat known to those who are pursuing a 
musical education, but as an aid to the understanding 
of Russian civiHzation it is a negligible quantity. 
Pictures and descriptive matter are the teacher's 

94 



EUROPEAN NATIONS 

only resource, and they are altogether inadequate. 
The mere impression of f oreignness and an unfamiliar 
atmosphere must suffice for the time being. Healthy 
curiosity may be aroused and the pupil's mind may 
be prepared so that he will watch the course of events 
and be ready to welcome whatever promise of ulti- 
mate good may come from Russia in the days to 
come. 

In political history the experience of Russia offers 
a more hopeful field of inquiry. Classes already fa- 
miliar with the history of the French Revolution are 
capable of reading intelligently on the political issues 
of the Russian revolt. In opening the subject the 
situation in 191 7 may be briefly sketched. The pupils 
at this point have been sometimes encouraged to 
ask questions instead of answering them. Most of 
the queries began with the word "Why/' and showed 
a nice appreciation of the relation between cause and 
effect. The road led directly back from the oppres- 
sion under Nicholas II to the rule of Peter the Great. 
Pupils studied with absorbed interest the whole sys- 
tem of oppression under the Czars. The essential 
difference between the ideals in which they were 
being trained and those of reactionary Russia was 
brought home to them when they found familiar 
books like Green's Short History of the English People^ 
and Bryce's American Commonwealth, forbidden to 
Russian students. They followed eagerly, therefore, 
the efforts of the Russian people to throw off the 

95 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

oppressive yoke of the Czars. Up to the dramatic 
events of 191 7 the way was clear and plain. 

Before continuing the story, however, a compara- 
tive study of the Russian and the French Revolutions 
may be introduced.^ This not only makes a good 
review of the work on France, it also serves to bring 
into clearer relief the significance of events in Russia. 
An article in the Magazine of Current History for July, 
191 7,2 provides an excellent outline for the comparison. 

In both France and Russia it appears that the way 
was prepared by the writings of philosophers and 
leaders of thought. The dissemination of the doc- 
trine of universal brotherhood by Tolstoi, Herzen, 
and Bakunin is comparable to the educational propa- 
ganda conducted in France by Voltaire, Rousseau, 
and the Encyclopedists. In both cases, too, the rev- 
olution was evidently precipitated by the calling of a 
representative assembly. In both France and Russia 
this act on the part of the ruler gave to the people 
what they most needed, — an organization which 
could be made the instrument of popular will. As 
Carlyle remarked of the French Revolution that it 
swallowed up its own children, so pupils may observe 
in Russia the gradual disappearance of the more con- 
servative reformers, until the country becomes at last 
a prey to the radical elements in the population. 

1 See p. 9S. 

2 "The Russian and French Revolutions: Parallels and Contrasts, 
1789-1917"; in Magazine of Current History, June, 1917, pp. 118-23. 

96 



EUROPEAN NATIONS 

With the outbreak of the so-called second revolu- 
tion in Russia and the overthrow of the Kerensky 
regime perplexities begin to multiply. New elements 
rise to the surface which were not so much in evi- 
dence in France. There the revolution spent itself 
largely in the seizure of political privileges. In Rus- 
sia the passion for social justice has made political 
democracy only a secondary issue. This socialist 
phase of the Russian struggle confronts the teacher 
with new questions. The place of socialist doctrine 
in education is still unsettled. Recent textbooks now 
usually give a brief summary of the history of social- 
ism and still more brief notice of its doctrines. How 
far and in what spirit should this be expanded in the 
classroom? This is a question for the individual 
teacher or for the ruling of some competent authority. 
Certainly the tenets of the leading parties in Russia, 
so far as they can be determined, must be explained 
and carefully differentiated. The reasons for bitter- 
ness and disunion may well be given. In the search 
for constructive forces the Mir, the Zemstvo, and the 
Soviet have seemed worthy of somewhat careful 
treatment. 

The work is all fragmentary and unsatisfactory. 
Materials are scanty and hard to obtain. Informa-' 
tion is of uncertain value. School children and 
adults aHke must await with open mind the gradual 
shaping of events. 



97 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

Comparative Study of the French and the Russian 
Revolutions 

A. The First Uprising. 

In France against feudal privilege. 

In Russia against taxation and bureaucratic government. 

B. Preliminary Work of Leaders of Thought. 

In France. 
Preaching of the virtue of sincerity and admiration for 

English ideas by Voltaire. 
Rousseau's declaration: "Man was born free." 
In Russia. 
Doctrine of universal brotherhood taught by Tolstoi, 
Herzen, and Bakunm. 

C. Political Change helped by the Summoning of Successive 

AssembUes. 
In France. 

Assembly of Notables. 

Constituent Assembly. 

Legislative Assembly. 
In Russia. 

Council of the Empire. 

Imperial Douma. 

D. Revolutionary Parties increasingly Radical. 

"The revolution swallowed up its own children." 
In France, the Girondists followed by Jacobins. 
In Russia, the Constitutional Democrats followed by the 
Bolsheviki. 

Chief Point of Contrast. 
In France, emphasis placed upon political democracy. 
In Russia, emphasis placed upon industrial democracy. 

98 



EUROPEAN NATIONS 

RUSSIA 
Topical Outline and Reading References 

A. The Land and its Resources. 

Its vast extent. 
Its varied character. 
Difficulties in transportation. 
Paucity of seaports. 
^ The struggle for harbors. 
Under Peter the Great. 
Capture of Azov and Riga. 
Building of St. Petersburg. 
The Siberian Railway. 

Present effort to estabHsh railway communication 
with the ice-free ports of the North. 

B. The Russian People. 

Races. 

Classes of society. 

Education. 

Large percentage of illiteracy. 

Restrictions on political education under the Czars. 
Religion. 

Origin of the Greek Catholic Church. 

Organization and influence of the Church. 

Attitude toward Jews. 
References: 

Alexinsky, Modern Russia, pp. 13-33, 129-35, 146- 
50, 167-70, 201-03. 

Bigelow, The Children of the Nations, pp. 252-63. 

Brown, Russia in Transformation, pp. 122-62. 

Davis, Economic Possibilities of Russia, The World^s 
Work, October, 1918, pp. 661-68. 

Day, History of Commerce, pp. 441-52. 

Grosvenor, Young Russia, National Geographic Mago 
zine, November, 1914, pp. 421-520. 

99 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

Hazen, Europe since 1815, pp. 681-82, 687, 696-703, 
706-18. 

Hazen, Fifty Years of Europe, pp. 246-48. ~ 

Herrick, History of Commerce and Industry, pp. 402-21. 

Hillis, Studies of the Great War, pp. 119-37- 

Lingelbach, Geography in Russian History, Popular 
Science Monthly, January, 191 5, pp. 5-24. 

Martens, Unique Maps of Russia and Siberia, The 
World's Work, October, 1918, pp. 673 and ff. 

Ogg, Social Progress in Contemporary Europe, pp. 119- 
22. 

Pechkoff, A Few Glimpses into Russia, National Geo- 
graphic Magazine, September, 191 7, pp. 238-53. 

Schapiro, Modern and Contemporary European His- 
tory, pp. 499-501, 528-45. 

Schuyler, Russia's Democrats, National Geographic 
Magazine, March, 1917, pp. 210-40. 

Washburn, The Russian Situation and Its Significance 
to America, National Geographic Magazine, April, 
1917, PP- 371-82. 

Washburn, Rmsia from Within, National Geographic 
Magazine, August, 191 7, pp. 91-120. 

West, The Modern World, pp. 699-707. 

Whitcomb, History of Modern Europe, pp. 250-56, 

.330-34. 
Wilson, War and Democracy, pp. 164-65, 170-72. 

C. Varieties of Political Opinion. 

The Cadets. 
The Social Democrats. 
The Social Revolutionary Party. 
References: 
Hayes, Political and Social History of Modern Europe, 

vol. n, pp. 474-78, 480-81. 
Schapiro, History of Modern and Contemporary Europe, 
pp. 557-60. 

100 



EUROPEAN NATIONS 

D. Reasons for Bitterness against the Romanoffs. 

Absolutist character of the government from Peter the 

Great to Nicholas II. 
Policy of repression. 

The spy system. 

The Siberian exile system. 

Injustice of the courts. 
Corruption of government officials. 

E. Experience of the Russian People in Self-Government 

prior to the Revolution. 
The Mir. 

Its peculiar characteristics. 
The Zemstvo. 

Work of the Zemstvos at the outbreak of the war. 
The Douma. 

Circumstances under which it was established. 

Limitations on its power. 

Its part in bringing on the revolution. 

F. The Campaign of Revolt against the Government. 

Peaceful propaganda. 

Use of the strike for political purposes. 

War on the government by the terrorists. 

G. Character of the Russian Revolution. 

Demand for social as well as poUtical reform. 

H. The Course of Events. 

The first revolution, 191 7. 
Overthrow of the Czar. 

Estabhshment of provisional government under 
Kerensky. 
The second revolution. 
Overthrow of Kerensky. 
Gradual ascendency of the Bolsheviki. 

lOI 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

References: 

Anon., The Russian and French Revolutions: Parallels 
and Contrasts, 1 789-191 7, Magazine of Current His- 
tory, June, 191 7, pp. 118-23. 

Anon., Russia's Two Revolutions, Review of Reviews, 
January, 1918, pp. 59-62. 

Brown, Russia in Transformation, pp. 9-22, 47-59, 
68-94, 1 13-16. 

Hazen, Europe since 1815, pp. 645-80. 

Hazen, Fifty Years of Europe, pp. 247-63, 283-89, 

375-83, 391-94. 
Hazen, Modern European History, pp. 558-70, 585-93. 
Levine, The Russian Revolution, pp. 52-64. 
Robinson, The Last Decade of European History, pp. 

xii-xv. 
Robinson, Medieval and Modern Times, pp. 674-87. 
Robinson and Beard, Development of Modern Europe, 

vol. n, pp. 26t-3oi. 
Robinson and Beard, Outlines of European History, 

Part II, pp. 73-79, 551-73. 
Robinson and Beard, Readings in Modern European 

History, vol. i, pp. 57-63, vol. 11, pp. 338-81. 
Schapiro, Modern and Contemporary European His- 
tory, pp. 501-28, 546-69, 742-48. 
Seymour and Frary, How the World Votes, vol. n, pp. 

125-74. 
West, The Modern World, pp. 707-13. 

5. ITALY 

To pupils who have studied the history of Europe to 
1700 but have heard nothing of it since that date, 
save for the passing glimpses afforded in following the 
fortunes of Napoleon, the present condition of Italy- 
needs explanation. They know of course that the 

102 



EUROPEAN NATIONS 

Italians of to-day are a united nation, North and 
South. The Catholics among them know something 
of the present position of the Pope. But all that has 
happened since the fall of Napoleon to change that 
Italy which was only a "geographical expression" 
into the home land of a united people is unknown, 
and is the subject of legitimate curiosity. 

First it is necessary to learn something more of 
present conditions. What is the government of Italy 
to-day? Who is its King? How did the Italians 
gain unity and independence? For answer the class 
turns back once more to the textbook account of the 
Congress of Vienna, already familiar in connection 
with the history of other nations. From that point 
they trace the development of Italian unity and the 
gradual spread of constitutional government through- 
out the peninsula. For some reason the study of 
ItaHan leaders, Garibaldi, Mazzini, and Cavour, in 
the effort to ascertain their services to the cause of 
democracy, rouses an unusual degree of interest, es- 
pecially if the account given in Hazen's History of 
Modern Europe is available for reading. Pupils 
confess that they had gained from observation the 
impression that ItaUans were chiefly day laborers; 
the study of Italian statesmanship as exemplified 
in these men came as a revelation. 

For lack of time many sides of modern Italian life 
must of necessity be omitted. The place of modern 
Italy in the world of art and letters, and her heroic 

103 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

attempts to better her economic condition, must 
receive the briefest mention. Her colonial ambitions, 
bringing her into the field of international politics, 
call for a little fuller explanation. Especially the 
relations between Austria and Italy and the power of 
the dream of Italia Irredenta as a moving force in poli- 
tics must be the subject of discussion, since they 
explain Italy's part in the world conflict. Every 
pupil must understand that this brief survey is 
merely introductory, and that his study of Italy as 
a nation must be deferred to later years. 

At this point in the work some kind of general re- 
view is urgently required. A great danger attending 
the study of each nation separately is that pupils 
may become confused in their ideas of chronology. 
Every effort is needed in order to leave at the last a 
clear and definite impression. Any sort of bird's-eye 
view is helpful. An example of one kind of chart 
which has proved useful is appended (p. 105). This 
table was made in class as a review exercise and then 
made the subject of more extended study. The ob- 
ject was to emphasize important events in the 
progress of democracy in Europe. A comparison 
of the course of events in various countries shows 
how the common impulse towards democracy and 
national unity spread through Europe at the same 
period. The chart also brings out the fact that the 
struggle for freedom began in England much earlier 
than on the Continent. 

104 



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00 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

These topics may well be made the subject of a 
somewhat extended review, as they put in a new hght 
facts already familiar. Such a scheme, too, tends to 
emphasize the solidarity of human endeavor, an idea 
which may readily be overlooked in a purely nation- 
alist study of history. 

ITALY 
Topical Outline and Reading References 

A. Present Government of Italy. 

B. Steps by which Italian Unity was accomplished. 

Italy in 1815 "a geographical expression." 

Position of the house of Piedmont. 
Work of Mazzini and Cavour. 
War of 1859 a-iid its results. 

Union of the northern states under Piedmont. 
Work of Garibaldi. 

Addition of the two Sicilies to the union. 
Addition of Venetia in 1868. 
Final union with Rome as the capital, 1879. 

C. Position of the Pope in Italy. 

D. Economic Condition of Italy. 

E. Colonial Ambitions. 

Conquests in East Africa. 
Occupation of Tripoli and Rhodes. 

F. Irredentism as a Moving Force in Italian PoUtics. 

,References: 

Day, History of Commerce, pp. 429-36. 
Gibbons, The New Map of Africa, pp. 115-29. 
106 



EUROPEAN NATIONS 

Hayes, Political and Social History of Modern Europe, 

vol. n, pp. 367-78. 
Hazen, Europe since 1815, pp. 376-87. 
Hazen, Fifty Years of Europe, pp. 3-16, 96-105, 305- 

07. 
Hazen, Modern European History, pp. 325-40, 409- 

15, 600-01. 
Hillis, Studies of the Great War, pp. 168-74, 185-88. 
Holt and Chilton, History of Europe, pp. 43-49. 
Lapworth, Tripoli and Young Italy, pp. 193-284. 
Lowell, Greater European Governments, pp. 197-232. 
Ogg, Social Progress in Contemporary Europe, pp. 184- 

85. 

Ogg and Beard, National Governments and the World 
War, pp. 404-20. 

Riggs, Inexhaustible Italy, National Geographic Maga- 
zine, October, 1916, pp. 273-368. 

Robinson, Medieval and Modern Times, pp. 574-77, 
608-12, 622-25. 

Robinson and Beard, Development of Modern Europe, 
vol. II, pp. 90-107. 

Robinson and Beard, Outlines of European History, 
Part n, pp. 410-25. 

Robinson and Beard, Readings in Modern European 
History, vol. li, pp. 11 5-41. 

Schapiro, Modern and Contemporary European His- 
tory, pp. 195-219, 442-55- 

Stoddard and Frank, The Stakes of the War, pp. 147- 

63. 
Thayer, WilHam Roscoe, Italia Irredenta, The World's 

Work, December, 1918, pp. 180-84. 
Wallace, Greater Italy, pp. 141-58. 
West, The Modern World, pp. 669-72. 
Whitcomb, History of Modern Europe, pp. 237-49. 



107 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

6. THE AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN EMPIRE 

The Austro-Hungarian Dual Monarchy, as it stood 
before the War, would seem to have no proper place 
in a study of nations. A state which is purely the 
outcome of artificial arrangement and not the product 
of genuine national feeling offers in itself Httle of in- 
terest to the student of nationality. Whether it be 
compared with France, a consohdated national unit, 
or with Switzerland, which out of three main races 
and tongues has contrived to build a united nation, or 
with the United States, rightly denominated a na- 
tion, although containing within its borders as great 
racial variety as Austria-Hungary itself — with 
whatever federated state the comparison be made, 
the Dual Monarchy was chiefly remarkable for that 
which it was not. Neither race nor language nor the 
self-determination of its people entitled it to be 
called a nation. 

Yet, for purposes of comparison, the Dual Mon- 
archy has distinct educational value. For this com- 
parative work, however, the briefest outline study of 
the governmental system is sufficient. Pupils must 
understand the circumstances under which the empire 
was established. They must know something of the 
devices by which the makers of the constitution 
attempted to reconcile conflicting claims. These es- 
sential points can be brought out without extended 
study of details. 

io8 



EUROPEAN NATIONS 

More important is the peculiar racial situation 
which occasioned the difficulty of government. The 
mere enumeration of races within the empire gives 
enlightenment. A study of their mutual jealousies 
and nationalist ambitions brings the student into 
contact with the underlying forces which are making 
history in that region. These potential nationahties, 
not the clumsy system of which they formed a part, 
are the important topics for discussion. 

For obvious reasons no attempt is made to repro- 
duce for pupils the kaleidoscopic life of the Austrian 
Empire as a whole. One might perhaps give some 
idea of the life in Vienna or in Buda-Pesth, but neither 
of these cities can justly claim to represent the civili- 
zation of the empire. A complete picture of its varied 
life is out of the question. 

In American conomunities where former Austrian 
subjects are congregated a study of the prevailing 
racial element might be introduced into the *' Study 
of Nations" with good effect. In the city of Cleve- 
land, for instance, where immigrants from the dual 
empire have settled in large numbers, the city library 
has undertaken a work for Americanization which 
might well be extended to the schools. The pam- 
phlet on The Slovaks of Cleveland, by Mrs. Eleanor 
E. Ledbetter, published under the direction of the 
Cleveland Americanization Committee, serves as a 
social introduction between the Slovaks of the city 
and the native Americans. So far as it interprets to 

109 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

Americans the home life and ideals of the Slovak 
population, it is meeting the very need which the 
*^ Study of Nations" is designed to serve. In most 
communities any extended study of so primitive a 
people as the Slovak would be out of proportion, 
but where the local conditions call for such work, its 
introduction would seem to be well worth while. It 
is the intention that the ^' Study of Nations" be 
adapted to the need of the individual community. 

From an international point of view Austria- 
Hungary is of course crucially important. The rela- 
tions between Austria and Germany, the historical 
causes back of the rivalry of Austria with Russia on 
the one side and Italy on the other, are topics of great 
importance. Austria's relations to the Balkan States 
too must be understood, if the tragedy of Sarajevo is 
to have any significance. Heretofore these subjects 
have received but hurried treatment as part of the 
preparation for studying the Great War. In the 
near future events may so shape themselves in this 
part of the world that the proportions must be radi- 
cally changed. 

THE AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN DUAL MONARCHY 

Topical Outline and Reading References 

A. The People of Austria-Hungary. 

Various races within the empire; their mutual jealousies 
and nationalist ambitions. 



no 



EUROPEAN NATIONS 

B. The Form of Government. 

The Dual Monarchy. 
The Delegations. 

The constitutions of Austria and Hungary. 
Position of subordinate races in the empire. 
Circumstances under which this government was formed, 
1867. 

C. International Relations. 

Close alliance with Germany. 
Rivalry with Russia for influence in the Balkans. 
Enmity towards Servia. 
Annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina contrary^ to 

Servian interests. 
Attempt to block the growth of Servia by formation 

of an independent Albania under Austrian influence. 
Tariff discrimination against Servian products. 
References: 

Bigelow, Poultney, Austria-Hungary, The World's 

Work, December, 1918, pp. 185-87. 
Davis, The Roots of the War, pp. 289-307. 
Hayes, Political and Social History of Modern Europe, 

vol. II, pp. 426-35. 
Hazen, Europe since 181 5, pp. 388-405. 
Hazen, Fifty Years of Europe, pp. 106-20, 299-301. 
Hazen, Modern European History, pp. 416-27, 595- 

97, 604-06. 
Ogg and Beard, National Governments and the World 

War, pp. 531-55- 
Robinson, Medieval and Modern Times, pp. 737-41. 
Robinson and Beard, Development of Modern Europe, 

vol. II, pp. 123-29. 
Robinson and Beard, Outlines of European History, 

Part n, pp. 439-43, 586, 589-91- 
Schapiro, Modern and Contemporary European His- 
tory, pp. 424-41. 

Ill 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

Stoddard and Frank, The Stakes of the War^ pp. 92- 
94, 100, 119-31, 135-43, 167-87, 215-17. 

West, The Modern World, pp. 873-76. 

Whitcomb, A History of Modern Europe, pp. 221-25, 
231-36. 



7. TURKEY AND THE BALKAN STATES 

The Balkan States present to the teacher of history 
such an apparently hopeless tangle that more than 
one of the guild has sighed for the good old days of 
Bismarck, when even that astute statesman could 
ignore the Eastern question as "not worth the bones 
of a single Pomeranian grenadier." To-day, they are 
important not for their size or wealth, but because of 
their geographical position and their relation to the 
Great Powers. For the purposes of this brief study 
only the barest outline of their history is required. 

Since no real national study is to be attempted, the 
simplest method of dealing with the political situa- 
tion seems in this case to be chronological. The class 
begins with map study of Turkey in Europe at its 
greatest extent and then follows the process by which 
the small states of the Balkan peninsula gradually 
gained their independence. From that point any 
good textbook account of the Balkan Wars and the 
Treaty of Bucharest gives sufficient information. 
The object is to give the pupil just enough intelli- 
gence to enable him to fit these states into the general 
puzzle of European politics. 

112 



EUROPEAN NATIONS 

For this unambitious purpose the most useful facts 
are not those dealing with the internal history of 
each state but those which bear upon the confused 
international relations in that section. It is a region 
of blurred outlines and conflicting interests. Only 
the most striking features can be pointed out. The 
situation as regards the little Balkan States them- 
selves is well illustrated in the recent textbook 
Medieval and Modern Times, by Professor James 
Harvey Robinson. He gives in a good map a graphic 
picture of these States as they are and as they would 
like to be, telling the story better than any narrative.^ 
A similar study of the Adriatic coast showing the rela- 
tive claims and desires of Austria, Italy, and Servia 
would be most welcome. Austria's attempted dom- 
ination over the whole region which has made her the 
hated neighbor of the Slavs needs special emphasis. 
To explain her relation toward Servia in particular, 
some attention needs to be given to the economic 
conditions which aggravate the racial enmity. 
Lastly the place of these Balkan States in Germany ^s 
ambitious projects must be well understood. 

With every day the situation in the Balkan penin- 
sula changes. Every change brings a shifting of the 
point of interest. The treatment of the whole sub- 
ject should not be regarded as an integral part of the 
^'Study of Nations" until the projected States in that 

^ Robinson, James Harvey: Medieval and Modern Times, pp. 699. 
Ginn & Co. Boston, 1918. 

"3 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

region have proved themselves genuine nationalities. 
It is introduced here only as a necessity in view of the 
Great War to which all history is now an introduc- 
tion. 

TURKEY AND THE BALKAN STATES 

Topical Outline and Reading References 

Turkey 

A. Its Form of Government. 

The Sultan. 
The Parliament. 

B. Character of Turkish Rule. 

At home. 

Over subject people. 

The Bulgarian atrocities. 

The Armenian atrocities. 
German influence in Turkey. 

C. History of Turkey in Europe. 

Its origin. 

Capture of Constantinople, 1453. 
Its territory at the largest extent. 
Its position in the nineteenth century. 

"The sick man of Europe." 
Reasons for its support by the western powers in the 

Crimean War and the Russo-Turkish Wars. 
Revolution of 1908. 
Reduction of territory as result of war with Italy and 

the Balkan Wars. 
References: 

CooHdge, Origins of the Triple Alliance, pp. 65-82. 

Davis, The Roots of the War, pp. 268-88. 

Hayes, Political and Social History of Modern Europe^ 
vol. II, pp. 528-39. 

114 



EUROPEAN NATIONS 

Hazen, Fifty Years of Europe, pp. 226-35, 296-315. 
Hazen, Modern European History, pp. 548-50, 555- 

57, 594-606. 
Hillis, Studies of the Great War, pp. 149-60. 
Holt and Chilton, History of Europe, pp. 441-44, 

454-55, 483-84, 494. 

Robinson, The Last Decade of European History and 
The Great War, pp. x-xi, xxxi-xxxii. 

Robinson, Medieval and Modern Times, pp. 420, 689- 
701. 

Robinson and Beard, Development of Modern Eur ope ^ 
vol. II, pp. 303-15- 

Robinson and Beard, Outlines of European History j 
Part II, pp. 574-83, 586-91. 

Schapiro, Modern and Contemporary European His- 
tory, pp. 640-49. 

Sloane, The Balkans, pp. 25-37, 45-48. 

Greece 

A. Its Present Government. 

Opposing parties. 

Reasons for the overthrow of King Constantine. 

B. Economic Condition. 

C. Territorial Ambitions. 

References: 

Hayes, Political and Social History of Modern Europe, 
vol. II, pp. 495-96, 515-17, 528-36. 

Hazen, Fifty Years of Europe, pp. 229, 241-43. 

Hazen, Modern European History, pp. 542-43, 554- 
55, 602-06. 

Holt and Chilton, The History of Europe, pp. 189, 248, 
250-51, 483-506. 

Moses, Greece of To-day, National Geographic Maga- 
zine, October, 191 5, pp. 295-329. 

"5 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

Robinson, Medieval and Modern TimeSy pp. 578, 690- 

91. 
Robinson and Beard, Development of Modern Europe^ 

vol. II, pp. 315-16. 
Robinson and Beard, Outlines of European History t 

Part II, pp. 583-84. 
Robinson and Beard, Readings in Modern European 

History, vol. 11, pp. 384-88. 
Seymour and Frary, How the World Votes, vol. 11, pp. 

240-45. 
Sloane, The Balkans, pp. 39-40, 106-14. 



Bulgaria 

A. Formation as an independent state. 

B. Rivalry with Greece and Servia. 

C. Its part in the first and second Balkan Wars. 

Treaty of Bucharest. 

D. Attitude in the Great War. 

References: 
Hayes, Political and Social History of Modern Europe, 

vol. II, pp. 521-23. 
Hazen, Fifty Years of Europe, pp. 231-39, 311-13, 

348, 408. 
Hazen, Modern European History, pp. 547-52, 595- 

96, 602-06. 
Holt and Chilton, History of Europe, pp. 189-91, 248- 

52, 499-500, 506-07. 
Jenkins, Bulgaria and Its Women, National Geographic 

Magazine, April, 191 5, pp. 377-400. 
Robinson, The Last Decade of European History, pp. 

xxxii-xxxiv, 1. 
Robinson, Medieval and Modern Times, pp. 694-95. 

116 



EUROPEAN NATIONS 

Seymour and Frary, How the World Votes, vol. n, pp. 

255-60. 
Sloane, The Balkans, pp. 126-33. 

Servia 

A. Separation from Turkey. 

B. Part played by Servia in the Balkan Wars. 

C. Economic needs and territorial ambitions. 

D. The new Jugo-Slavic state. 

References: 
Harding, The Great War, pp. 29-34. 
Hayes, Political and Social History of Modern Europe, 

vol. n, pp. 499, 519-21, 528-33, 536-39, 706-13. 
Hazen, Fifty Years of Europe, pp. 228, 233-41, 300- 

01, 311-18, 321-22, 348-50. 
Hazen, Modern European History, pp. 547-48, 553, 

596-97, 602-12. 
Holt and Chilton, History of Europe, ^^. 209-10, 214, 

444-46, 496-99- 
MacAdam, George, Jugoslavia, The World's Work, 

December, 1918, pp. 154-60. 
Mijatovich, Servia and the Servians, pp. 7-37, 233-42. 
Petrovich, Serbia, Her People, History and Aspira- 
tions, pp. 1-35. 
Robinson, Medieval and Modern Times, pp. 689, 697- 

701. 
Showalter, The Kingdom of Servia, National GeO" 

graphic Magazine, April, 191 5, pp. 417-32. 
Sloane, The Balkans, pp. 133-44. 
Stoddard and Frank, The Stakes of the War, pp. 167- 

186, 214. 



117 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

8. THE "STUDY OF NATIONS" AND THE 
GREAT WAR 

No course in modern history is conceivable which 
fails to give careful attention to the Great War. It 
is the subject of supreme interest in the present, and 
the topic to which all lines of historical development 
converge. A study of its causes and its historical 
background offers to a class just completing the 
"Study of Nations" a valuable review of the year's 
work. There is no topic in the whole outline but is 
seen to have some bearing on the crisis. Old facts in 
this connection take on new relationships, since the 
nations are not now considered separately, but acting 
together. Differences in national character are now 
not merely interesting in themselves; they are seen 
to have world-import. Imperial ambitions and rival- 
ries take on increased significance as determining 
factors in international relations. As a means of 
binding together the various parts of the year's work 
and supplementing its nationalist view of history, 
nothing better could be devised than the story of the 
great international conflict. At the same time the 
impression of the value of historical study receives 
reinforcement as pupils find, in what they sometimes 
call the "cold bare facts of history," the key to the 
greatest puzzle of their experience. 

To help in making a background for the war, it has 
seemed best, following the example of a recent text- 

ii8 



EUROPEAN NATIONS 

book writer/ to take a cursory view of general Euro- 
pean conditions in the early years of the twentieth 
century, noting the forces that make for human soli- 
darity as well as those which have tended toward the 
disruption of the civilized world. 

In this bird's-eye view of Europe pupils were quick 
to see for themselves the material forces binding the 
nations together. They enumerated almost at once 
the various means of transportation and communica- 
tion which contribute to this result. After a little 
thought, international movements like those of the 
Socialists, or the societies for the promotion of peace, 
were seen to have the same tendency. The intellec- 
tual and moral forces common to the civilized world 
were more dimly appreciated, as they belonged to a 
range of thought somewhat removed from the mind 
of the high-school pupil. 

The forces of disruption were more familiar from 
previous work. The struggles for national unity 
which had been followed in Germany or Italy or the 
little Balkan States proved in this new view to have 
within themselves elements of international discord. 
Thus the struggle to put all Italians under one flag is 
still leading to endless complications, while the na- 
tionalist ambitions of the peoples of Austria-Hungary 
and the Balkans are seen to have direct connection 
with the outbreak of the "irreconcilable conflict." 

^ James Harvey Robinson: Medieval and Modern Times. Ginn 
& Co. 1918. 

119 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

Still more clearly the system of imperialism is seen 
to be a cause of international disputes in all parts 
of the world. This brief enumeration of world- 
forces, making on the one side for harmony and on the 
other for discord, prepares the way for the study of 
the conflict itself. 

The preliminary events of the war and the story of 
its progress forms no distinctive part of the "Study 
of Nations." For this work the outline, The Study 
of the Great War, published by Professor Samuel B. 
Harding under the auspices of the Committee on 
Public Information, was put into the hands of pupils 
and used as the basis of class discussion. This work 
has a place in all courses in modern history alike. 

THE HISTORIC BACKGROUND OF THE GREAT WAR 
Topical Outline and Reading References 

A.Forces tending to Internationalism. 

I. Solidarity of the world owing to easy and rapid 
communication and transportation. 
Steam railway and steam navigation. 
Suez and Panama Canals. 
Post, telephone, telegraph, and cable. 

II. Common movement toward democracy throughout 
the civilized world. 
The war from one point of view the latest inci- 
dent in the struggle for the rights of man. 

III. Common tendency toward industriaUsm. 

The industrial revolution and the resulting devel- 
opment of urban life. 
I20 



EUROPEAN NATIONS 

IV. Moral and intellectual unity throughout the civ- 
ilized world. 

V. International movements. 

1. The peace movement. 

First and Second Peace conferences. 

Establishment of a permanent court of arbi- 
tration for the settlement of international 
disputes. 

2. SociaHsm. 

Principles of socialism. 
Karl Marx and his teaching. 
Socialism in France. 
Socialists in the Revolution of 1848. 
SociaHsts in the Paris Commune. 
Socialism under the Third Republic. 
SociaHsm in England. 
The Fabian Society. 
SociaUstic character of recent legislation. 

"The war on poverty." 
Socialist principles of the British Labour 
Party. 
Socialism in Russia. 
The moving force of the Russian Revolu- 
tion. 
Socialism in Germany. 
Beginnings under Marx and Lasalle. 
Bismarck's attitude toward sociaHsm. 
Development of state and municipal 
socialism. 
References: 

Davis, The Roots of the War, pp. 335-44- 

Harding, The Great War, pp. 9-10. 

Hazen, Fifty Years of Europe, pp. 41-44, 54? 290-96, 

379-80. 
Hazen, Modern European History ^ pp. 294-97, 3i4-i7> 
378-80, 565, 590-94. 

121 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

Robinson, The Last Decade of European History ^ 

pp. xvii-xxii, Ixii-lxiv. 
Robinson, Medieval and Modern Times y pp. 703-09, 

727-33. 
Robinson and Beard, Development of Modern Europe^ 

vol. II, pp. 319-31, 367-72, 386-405- 
Robinson and Beard, Outlines of European History, 

Part II, pp. 681-84. 
Robinson and Beard, Readings in Modern European 

History, vol. 11, pp. 406-19, 458-66, 489-505. 
Schapiro, Modern and Contemporary European His- 
tory, pp. 570-602, 696-99. 
Seignobos, History of Contemporary Civilization, 

pp. 425-36. 

B. Nationalism and Imperialism as forces Tending to Dis- 
union between States. 

I. Examples of nationalism as a factor in the making of 
modern history. 
Struggle for national unity in Germany. 
Struggle for Italian unity. 
Nationalist ambitions of the Balkan peoples. 
Nationalist feeling in Poland and Finland. 

II. Imperialism — a larger nationalism. 

1. Definition of imperialism. 

"The policy of adding distant territories for 
the purpose of 

controlling their products 
getting trade with natives 
investing money in the development of 
natural resources." (J. H. Robinson.) 

2. Imperialism a cause of international disputes. 

a. In the Far East. 

Conflicting interests of Japan, Russia, 
Germany, and Great Britain in 
China and Korea. 

122 



EUROPEAN NATIONS 

b. In Africa. 

French and English rivalry in "Egypt, 
The race for Central Africa. 
French and Italian rivalry in Tunis. 
French and German rivalry in Morocco. 

c. In the Near East. 

Russian and Austrian rivalry in the 

Balkans. 
Pan-Slavism vs. Pan- Germanism. 
Russian and English rivalry in Persia. 
German and British rivalry in Asia 
Minor and Mesopotamia. 
The Berlin to Bagdad Railway 
project. 

References: 

Harding, The Great War, pp. lo-ii. 

Hearnshaw, Main Currents of European History, 

pp. 268-98. 
Robinson, The Last Decade of European History and 

The Great War, pp. Ix-lxii. 
Robinson, Medieval and Modern Times, pp. 708, 710- 

23, 733-42. 
Robinson and Beard, Outlines of European History, 

Part II, pp. 684-92. 
Schapiro, Modern and Contemporary European His- 

tory, pp. 650-57, 671-73, 700-08. 

Preliminary Events of the Great War 

Murder of the Archduke Ferdinand. 

The Austrian ultimatum and Servia's reply. 

Attitude of Germany. 

Russian mobilization. 

The Triple Alliance vs. the Triple Entente. 

Violation of Belgian neutrality. 

Entrance of England into the war. 

123 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

References: 

Ashley, Modern European Civilization, pp. 556-77. 
Coolidge, Origins of the Triple Alliance, pp. 138-46, 159-74* 

209-18. 
Harding, The Great War, passim. 
Hazen, Fifty Years of Europe, pp. 316-31. 
Hazen, Modern European History, pp. 608-18. 
Hearnshaw, Main Currents of European History, pp. 316-27. 
Holt and Chilton, History of Europe, pp. 220-23, 258-60, 

365-87, 539-61. 
Robinson, Last Decade of European History, pp. xxxvi-xl. 
Robinson, Medieval and Modern Times, pp. 742-44. 
Robinson and Beard. Outlines of European History, Part II, 

pp. 692-94. 



Ill 

ORIENTAL NATIONS 

1. CHINA 

There is on the part of Americans profound igno- 
rance of the Far East and much of prejudice. Most 
of our school-children have formed their ideas of the 
Chinese from their observation of laundrymen and 
have no appreciation of the importance of China or 
of its ancient and rich civilization and its perplex- 
ing modern problems. The object of the teacher 
should thus be first of all to see that the pupil ac- 
quires some idea of the vast potential riches of 
China's natural resources, the abihty and high civi- 
lization of its people, and the situation which con- 
fronts it to-day. But little further comment is 
probably needed than that given in the topical 
outline. It is useless to burden the pupil's memory 
with many Chinese names, for the average Ameri- 
can acquires them with difficulty and readily forgets 
them. Those given in the outline and perhaps a few 
others should, however, be thoroughly learned. It 
is needless, too, in a course as brief as this to go into 
the details of dynasties and emperors before the nine- 
teenth century. If the outstanding features of those 

125 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

earlier periods can be remembered, it is about all that 
we should ask. The past hundred, and particularly 
the past twenty-five, years should be gone into some- 
what more in detail, however, for it is these which 
lead directly to the problems of to-day. It is to be 
hoped that the pupil will get from the study a clear 
impression of the outstanding features of the Chi- 
nese, their culture and political organization, and an 
understanding of the main difficulties with which 
that people are now confronted. 

The teacher would do well to read in preparation 
K. S. Latourette, The Development of China, which 
was written for American college students and con- 
tains most of the facts needed for this study. This 
book can probably also be used with profit by the 
students. In case a good library is accessible, it is 
suggested that pupils be assigned to the different 
books that can be found, and be asked either to 
report on their reading orally at an appropriate time 
or to hand in written reports. The bibliography 
attached to this chapter gives some of the more im- 
portant titles, and a fuller list with critical annota- 
tions is to be found at the end of Latourette, The 
Development of China. For more recent happenings, 
Latourette, China, The United States, and the War, 
may be consulted and for current events Asia should 
be read carefully. The superb illustrations in the 
monthly will prove of interest to the class. 



126 



ORIENTAL NATIONS 

CHINA 
Topical Outline and Reading References 

I. Outstanding characteristics of the China of to-day. 

1. Geography. 

a. Boundaries. 

b. Area. (Compare with the United States.) 

c. Division into two main parts, China Proper 
(the Eighteen Provinces) and the outlying 
dependencies (Tibet, The New Territory, 
Mongolia, and Manchuria). 

d. Barriers of mountains, deserts, and plateaus 
to the north, west, and south. 

e. Chief rivers, the Yangtze and the Yellow 
(Hoang-ho), supplemented by many tribu- 
taries and canals. 

Latourette, The Development of China, 
chap. I. 

2. Natural resources, particularly of China Proper. 

a. Immensely fertile lands. 

b. Great mineral resources, especially of iron and 
coal. 

c. A favorable climate. 

By these features China is fitted to be the 
home of a great race and as a source of raw 
materials is equaled by few countries. 
Latourette, The Development of China, chap. i. 
^ The Chinese People. 

a. They number over 300,000,000, the largest 
homogeneous group of mankind. 

b. Characteristics: industrious, able, frugal, 
democratic, honoring learning, ideaUstic and 
yet materialistic, highly civilized, vigorous 
mentally and physically. 

Latourette, The Development of China, 
chap. 4. 

127 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

4, The profound changes that are taking place. 

a. The substitution of a repubHc for an empire. 

b. The influx of foreign learning, customs, and 
ideals through schools, newspapers, merchants, 
travelers, and missionaries. The migration 
of Chinese students to this country. 

C. The introduction of railways, steamships, the 

telegraph, a modern postal system, factories, 

and foreign goods, and the changes in Chinese 

industry and commerce which are resulting. 

Latourette, The Development of China, chaps. 

6 and 7. 

5. The weakness of China. 

a. Internal dissensions, governmental disorgan- 
ization and civil war. 

b. Encroachments on China of foreign powers, 
particularly Japan, through leased territories, 
spheres of influence, mining, financial, and 
railway concessions, loans, exterritoriality, 
and control of the customs duties and the salt 
tax. 

Latourette, The Development of China, chaps. 
5 and 6. 

II. The outstanding features of the historical development 
which have resulted in the formation of present-day 
China. 

I. Geographic influences. 

a. The boundaries shut off the old China from 
other peoples, made her culture largely indige- 
nous, and gave her a feeling of intense pride 
and conservatism. 

b. Her fertile soil, rivers, and climate favored the 
growth of her population and culture. 

C. The plateaus to the north and west were a 
source of frequent invasions. 
Latourette, The Development of China,cha,p, i. 

128 



ORIENTAL NATIONS 

To the coming of the European: the formation of the 
old China. 

a. The original Chinese were in Northwest China 
and expanded gradually from perhaps 1 500 b. c. 
until they attained their present boundaries. 
This expansion is still in progress, especially 
in Manchuria and in the Malay Peninsula. 

b. The formation of the family, which is one of 
the most ancient features of Chinese life and 
is to-day one of its outstanding character- 
istics. 

Latourette, The Development 0/ China, pp. 

131-37. 

c. The development of religions. There is a spirit 
of tolerance and a Chinese may be an Ani- 
mist, Taoist, Buddhist, and Confucianist all 
in one. 

(i) The original faith was a kind of animism 
supplemented by a reverence for Heaven 
and Earth. 

(2) Taoism, in part mystical, in part frankly 
superstitious. Its origin is traced to 
Lao Tze of the sixth century, B.C. 

(3) Confucianism. This was first developed 
by Confucius (551-479 B.C.), but owes 
jnuch also to later scholars, especially 
Mencius (fourth century B.C.) and Chu 
Hsi (twelfth century a.d.) . It has a high 
standard of ethics, but minimizes the 
supernatural. Reverence for ancestors 
plays a large part in it. 

(4) Buddhism. This was introduced from 
India in the first century a.d., and after 
some centuries came to be one of the 
dominant faiths of the empire. 

(s) Mohammedanism. This has never 

129 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

ranked numerically with the other 
faiths. 
Latourette, The Development oJChinay 
pp. 21, 24, 35, 36, 42-46, 122-31. 

d. Language and Kterature. 

(i) The spoken language is monosyllabic, 
not related to European tongues. 

(2) Written language: The Chinese char- 
acter, partly pictographic, partly ideo- 
graphic, partly phonetic. 

(3) The literature: very rich, especially in 
poetry, history, philosophy, and ethics. 

Latourette, The Development oj Chinas 
pp. 110-20. 

e. Art: Particularly rich in paintings and porce- 
lain. 

Latourette, The Development oj China, pp. 
120-22. 

f. Economic life. 

(i) Very highly developed. The Chinese 
have devoted their energies largely to 
this side of their life, in contrast with the 
Japanese who have traditionally been 
military in their ideals, and to the peo- 
ples of India whose distinguishing char- 
acteristic is interest in religion. 

(2) Agriculture: very skillful. Both land 
and water are made to yield almost to 
their fullest extent. 

(3) Industry: varied, but in the household 
or small shop stage. 

(4) The business and industrial organization 
was made up of gilds and partnerships, 
not joint stock companies. 

(5) Commerce was largely internal, for the 
country was vast and other civilized 

130 



ORIENTAL NATIONS 

peoples were far away. It was highly 
developed, however. 

Latourette, The Development of China, 
pp. 90-96. 

g. Political life. 

(i) At first a small patriarchal state, with 
^' the emperor at the head. 

(2) As the Chinese expanded the central 
government for a time was weakened, 
but in the third century before Christ 
the nation was united under two succes- 
sive strong dynasties and a form of 
organization was adopted which with 
changes has persisted to our own day, 
although at times the nation has been 
divided for long centuries. 

(3) The ideal of the state was the welfare 
of the people and rebellion against the 
ruling house was justifiable if mis- 
government was persistent. 

(4) The emperor was at the head of the 
state and was in theory absolute. There 
have been many dynasties, ten of them 
more important, and thirteen of second- 
ary importance. A dynasty might be 
overthrown if it proved incapable of 
giving a satisfactory goverrmaent. 

(5) The emperor was assisted by a bureau- 
cracy whose members were chosen 
by means of civil-service examinations 
based largely on Chinese hterature. 
To the preparation for these examina- 
tions most of the attention of the formal 
education of the land was directed. 
The result was a premium on learning 

131 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

and ability and a tendency toward 
democracy. There is no hereditary 
nobility among the Chinese and few 
hard and fast class distinctions. 

(6) Local units, such as villages, largely 
self-governing. 

(7) There was almost constant fighting with 
semi-nomadic non- Chinese peoples in 
the north and west, and at various 
times these overran part or all of the 
empire and dominated the government. 
The latest of these foreign conquerors 
were the Manchus (1644-1911). The 
conquerors have always adopted Chi- 
nese culture. 

Latourette, The Development oj China, 
chaps. 2, 3, 4. 

3. The coming of the Europeans and the changes 
which have followed. 

a. Medieval intercourse between Cathay (China) 
and Europe. Marco Polo and the Francis- 
cans. 

Latourette, The Development of China, p. 60. 

b. The discovery of the sea route to the Far East 
and the arrival of the Portuguese, who were 
followed by the Spanish, Dutch, and Enghsh 
(i6th and 17th centuries) and Catholic mis- 
sionaries. This intercourse was carried on 
under close restrictions and did not very 
greatly affect Chinese hfe. 

Latourette, The Development of China, pp. 
64-67, 79-85. 
c. Period of the gradual opening of China. 

(i) First Chino-British war (i 839-1842) 
and the treaties which followed, estab- 
lishing treaty ports, a conventional 

132 



ORIENTAL NATIONS 

(fixed by treaty) tariff, and exterritori- 
ality, and ceding Hongkong to Great 
Britain. 

(2) Second Chino-British war, in which the 
French joined, leading to the toleration 
of Christianity. The opening of more 
treaty ports, and the residence of for- 
eign ministers in Peking. 

(3) Further intercourse through commerce, 
diplomacy, and Christian missions, and 
some further friction. 

Latourette, The Development of Chinas 
chap. 5. 

d. The Chino-Japanese war (1894-1895). 

(i) Its causes: rivalry in Korea. 
(2) Its results. 

(a) The beginnings of Japanese ex- 
pansion in the continent and 
Japanese assumption of Formosa. 

(b) The strengthening of the reform 
movement in China. 

(c) European aggressions. 

Latourette, The Development of 
China, pp. 174-90. 

e. The scramble of European Powers for Chinese 
territory, concessions, and spheres of influence. 

(i) Russia in Manchuria. 

(2) Germany in Shantung. 

(3) Great Britain : Wei-hai-Wei, the Yangtze 
Valley, and opposite Hongkong. 

(4) France in South China. 

(5) The United States through Hay started 
the Open Door policy (1899). 

Latourette, The Development of China, 
pp. 180-88. 
f. The reform movement, engineered by the 

133 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

young emperor, 1898, followed by reaction 
under empress dowager and 
g. The Boxer uprising (1900), a vigorous attempt 
to rid China of the foreigner. This was put 
down by joint action of the Powers. Among 
the penalties inflicted on China was a huge 
indemnity. 

Latourette, The Development of China, pp. 
190-96. 
h. Russian aggression following the Boxer year 
became so menacmg, especially to Japan, that 
the Russo-Japanese war followed, 1 904-1 905, 
and resulted in substituting Japan for Russia 
in southern Manchuria and in fixing Japan's 
hold firmly on Korea. 

Latourette, The Development oj China, pp. 
196-201. 
i. The efifect upon China of the Boxer year and 
the Russo-Japanese war was to accentuate the 
reform movement and to accelerate the Euro- 
peanizing of China. Changes took place in 
education, commerce, and industry. Political 
changes were contemplated looking toward a 
constitutional government. 
j. As part of the above changes, the Manchus 
were overthrown by a revolution (1911-1912) 
and a republic was established with Yuan 
Shih K'ai as its president. 
Latourette, The Development of China, pp. 
201-18. 
k. China and the World War. 

(i) Japan drove the Germans out of Shan- 
tung (19 14) and made demands on 
China (191 5) which greatly extended 
the control of the island empire over its 
huge neighbor. 

134 



ORIENTAL NATIONS 

(2) Yuan Shih K'ai tried to make himself 
emperor and, failing, died (1916) and 
was succeeded by Li Yuan Hung. 

(3) China, at America's instance, broke with 
Germany (March, 191 7) and later de- 
clared war on Germany. 

(4) The question of war led to a split be- 
tween the militaristic North and the 
more democratic South and to civil war 
between the two sections (191 7-1 9 19). 

(5) The demands of China of the Peace 
Conference and the present status. 

Latourette, The Development of Chinas 

pp. 221-34. 
Latourette, China, the United States, 

and the War. 
Wheeler, China and the World War. 

III. American relations with China. 

1. Early intercourse and the first treaty, 1 784-1 844. 

2. Anson Burlingame directed the first Chinese mission 
to Europe and America. 

3. America excluded Chinese labor. 

4. America stands for equal opportunity in China and 
the independence and territorial integrity of that 
country. 

a. The Hay policy (1899). 

b. America stood against the partition of China 
after the Boxer year. She remitted part of 
her share of the indemnity and from the pro- 
ceeds Chinese students are sent to this country 
for education. 

c. America protested against Russian aggression 
in Manchuria (i 901-1904). 

d. The Knox proposal to internationalize the 
Russian and Japanese railways in Manchuria 
(1910). 

135 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

e. The Lansing-Ishii agreement (191 7). 

f. The American missionaries; a wholesome ele- 
ment in China. 

\Latourette, China, The United States, and 

the War. 
Latourette, The Development of China, pp. 80, 

147, 152, 163H36, 170, 171, 187, 188, 193, 

197. 

A Selected Bibliography 

The attempt is here made to give a list of only the books 
more usually found in libraries and which are most suitable 
for a course of this kind. 

Encyclopcedia Britannica, Article on " China." _ 

Bashford, J. W. China, An Interpretation. New York, 1916. 

Bland, J. C. P., and Backhouse, E. China under the Empress 

Dowager. Houghton Mifflin Company, Boston, 1914. 
Hornbeck, S. K. Contemporary Politics in the Far East. 

D. Appleton & Co., New York, 1916. 
Latourette, K. S. China, The United States, and the War. 

The World Peace Foundation, Boston, 1919. 
Latourette, K. S. The Development oj China. Houghton 

Mifflin Company, Boston, 191 7. 
MacGowan, J. C. Men and Manners of Modern China. Lon- 
don, 1912. 
Parker, E. H. China: Her History, Diplomacy, and Commerce. 

New York, 1901. 
Ross, E. A. The Changing Chinese. New York, 191 1. 
Smith, A. H. Chinese Characteristics. New York, 1894. 
Smith, A. H. Village Life in China. New York, 1899. 
Wheeler, W. R. China and the World War. The Macmillan 

Company, New York, 19 19. 
Williams, S. W. The Middle Kingdom. New York, 1899. 
Asia. The monthly publication of the American Asiatic 

Association. 

136 



ORIENTAL NATIONS 



2. JAPAN 



The purpose of this study should be to give a clear 
and unbiased picture of Japan's chief characteristics, 
problems, and poKcies and of her relations with the 
United States. In these days when Japan is so gen- 
erally maligned, especially in America, it becomes 
necessary, if the peace of the world is to be main- 
tained and justice done, that our students know her 
as she really is, both her bad and her good points. 
The attitude of the teacher should be neither pro- 
Japanese nor anti- Japanese, but to find and impart 
the truth. In Hght of the prejudices in this country, 
if there is to be error, it is probably better that it be 
in favor of, rather than against, Japan. 

The outline needs no comments. It is to be hoped 
that all teachers before going to the class will have 
read carefully Latourette, The Development of Japan, 
International Conciliation Pamphlet No. 124, and 
Treat, Japan, America, and the World War. These 
ought to furnish a sufficient foundation for all the 
work contemplated by this outline. It is suggested 
that where possible the student be given assignments 
in this book and these pamphlets. Several copies 
of each may be obtained and put on the reserve shelf. 
Where the library has enough other material, a book 
can be assigned to each pupil for a written or oral 
report. 



137 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

JAPAN 
Topical Outline and Reading References 

I. The advisability of Americans studying Japan. There is 
much misunderstanding and prejudice and anti- Japanese 
rumors are rife. Our press is for the most part intensely 
biased and our citizens need to know the facts and study 
them in a fair-minded manner. 
II. Outstanding features of the Japan of to-day. 
I. Geography. 

a. The main component parts of the Japanese 
Empire. 

(i) Islands: (area about the size of Cali- 
fornia) the Kuriles, south half of Sak- 
haUn, Hokkaido, Hondo, Shikoku, 
Kyushu, the Ryu Kyu group, and 
Formosa. 

(2) On the continent: Chosen (Korea), 
leased territory and railways in Man- 
churia, and temporary possession of the 
former German leased properties in 
Shantung Province. 

b. Effects of Japan's insularity: a strong spirit of 
nationaUsm, sea power, and the command of 
the ocean approaches to the East coast of Asia. 

c. The close cultural relation with the mainland. 
In early times the continent was the source of 
Japanese civihzation; to-day Japan is helping 
to teach the more backward continent. 

d. The natural resources of the islands. The 
arable land is limited and there is Httle iron and 
not a great deal of coal of good quality. The 
population is growing, and it must either emi- 
grate to less crowded quarters of the globe, or it 
must be occupied with manufactures and com- 
merce. If the latter, both a source of abun- 

138 



ORIENTAL NATIONS 

dant raw materials and an ample market must 
be found. This situation largely accounts for 
Japan's intense desire to develop close relations 
with China and to maintain there an open door 
for her trade. In China are to be found mar- 
kets and quantities of coal, iron, foodstuffs, 
and other commodities which are needed for 
Japanese industry. 
Latourette, The Development of Japatty 
chap. I. 

2. National characteristics. 

a. The prominence of the emperor. He is held 
to be descended from the gods and his house 
has ruled "from ages eternal." All the gov- 
ernment is carried on in his name and he is in 
theory absolute and is revered as divine. 

b. The importance of the military spirit and 
classes. The army and navy are very strong, 
there is compulsory military service, and the 
state is largely dominated by classes which are 
primarily military in their traditions and out- 
look. 

The Elder Statesman and the Bureaucracy. 
Latourette, The Development of Japan, pp. 
80-85. 

c. The presence of constitutional government: 
a Diet, the lower house of which is elective, 
a cabinet (not responsible to the Diet, how- 
ever), and the growth of democratic ideals. 

Latourette, The Development of Japan, pp. 
138-47, 210-15. 

d. Intense patriotism, amounting to a religion. 

e. Very great sensitiveness on points of national 
and personal honor and resentment of any 
sHghts by Occidental nations, as, for example, 
the treatment of Japanese in CaUfornia and 

139 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

the question of race equality in the League of 

Nations. 

f . Social and economic solidarity. 

(i) In the family. This and not the indi- 
vidual is the unit far more than in the 
West. 

(2) In the nation. The people are accus- 
tomed to having the government take 
the lead in all sorts of enterprises, 
economic, educational, pohtical, and 
moral. 

g. High store is set by poHteness and good form, 
h. A love of the beautiful. 

i. Ability and wilUngness to adopt and adapt 
ideals, methods, and institutions from other 
peoples. 

Latourette, The Development 0} Japan, pp. 
85-96. 
The rapid growth of industry, commerce, and 
wealth in the past few years. Japan, however, is 
still a poor country. 
Latourette, The Development oj Japan, pp. 215- 
18. 
The rehgions of Japan. 

a. Shinto, the old native faith, is primarily one of 
reverence for spirits, ancestors, the nation, and 
the imperial house. 

Latourette, The Development oj Japan, pp. 
17, 18, 96-98. 

b. Buddhism, a faith of Indian origin which 
came to Japan by way of China and Korea; 
It is very prominent, and has many temples 
and priests and is divided into numbers of 
sects. 

Latourette, The Development of Japan, pp. 
21, 22, 24-26, 98, 99, 221. 

140 



ORIENTAL NATIONS 

c. Confucianism. This cult, of Chinese origin, 
has probably affected Japanese ethical stand- 
ards. 

Latourette, The Development of Japan^ 
PP- 75, 76, 100. 

d. Christianity, while influential, still suffers 
from the opprobrium visited upon it when 
it was stamped out in the seventeenth cen- 
tury. 

Latourette, The Development of Japan, pp. 
59, 70-73, 162, 222.^ 
C. Bushido, while not a distinct religion, as a code 
of conduct deserves especial mention at this 
point. It developed during feudal days and 
corresponds to European chivalry. Like 
chivalry, moreover, it has continued to influ- 
ence the nation long after the social conditions 
which gave it birth have passed away. 
Latourette, The Development of Japan, pp. 
100-02. 

5. Widespread intelligence through universal educa- 

tion and the growth of the printing press. 
Latourette, The Development of Japan, pp. i6li 
218-20. 

6. Japan is to-day one of the most influential nations 
of the globe and is the dominant power in Eastern 
Asia. 

III. How Japan came to be: Japan before the coming of the 
Westerner (to 1853). 

I. The formation of the primitive Japanese state to 
the sixth century a.d. 

a. The reputed divine origin of the race and par- 
ticularly of the imperial house. 

b. The establishment of a kingdom in what is 
now South Japan with its headquarters in the 
Yamato promontory. 

141 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

c. Nearly constant fighting with aborigines. 

d. Very simple culture. 

Latourette, The Development of JapaUy 
chap. 2. 

2. The transformation of Japan by the introduction 
of Buddhism and Chinese culture in the sixth and 
seventh centuries of our era. Contact through 
succeeding centuries tended frequently to modify 
Japan. 

a. Religious transformation: the introduction 
and adoption of Buddhism. This brought with 
it much of continental culture, much as Chris- 
tianity brought to Northern Europe the civi- 
lization of the Roman world. 

b. Intellectual transformation: the Chinese char- 
acter was introduced, and by it the Japanese 
language was for the first time put into writ- 
ten form and a literature developed. Japa- 
nese is to-day written by Chinese characters 
and modifications of those characters. Chi- 
nese literature came in and a Japanese litera- 
ture grew up. 

c. PoUtical transformation. 

(i) The emperor was exalted. 

(2) A bureaucracy was organized on the 
Chinese model. 

(3) The capital was fixed, first at Nara and 
then at Kyoto, and these cities were laid 
out on the model of the Chinese capital. 

(4) The land was all nationahzed and was 
to be redistributed periodically. 

Latourette, The Development of Japan, 
chap. 3. 

3. The growth of feudalism and the domination of the 
state by the mihtary class. 

a. The decay of the political institutions derived 

142 



ORIENTAL NATIONS 

from China led to the impotence of the em- 
peror and his court, the rise of a system resem- 
bling European feudaHsm, and the transfer of 
power to a new military class. 

b. Rival families of this military class fought for 
power and the representative of one of these 
organized the shogunate, a form of government 
by which the various warrior families domi- 
nated the state from 1192 to 1867. 

This made the civiUzation of the old Japan 
predominantly mihtary and left that spirit as 
a legacy to the nation of to-day. 

c. The imperial house did not disappear, but 
while it was usually powerless in practice, in 
theory it remained supreme and the source of 
all authority. 

d. One of the mihtary famihes, the Tokugawa, 
which held the shogunate from 1603 to 1868, 
in order to preserve internal peace and unity 
excluded foreigners and foreign trade and kept 
the nation all but hermetically sealed against 
the West. 

Latourette, The Development of Japan, 
chaps. 4 and 5. 

IV. How Japan came to be: since the coming of the Westerner 

(1853-1919). 
I. The opening of Japan by the United States through 
Commodore Perry (1853) and the beginning of 
intercourse and treaty relations with the Occi- 
dent. 

Latourette, The Development of Japan, chap. 7. 
2. The period of complete internal transformation 
which resulted from the coming of the Westerners 
(1853-94). 
a. PoHtical transformation. 

(i) The abolition of the shogunate and the 

143 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

restoration of the emperor to actual 
power (1867). 

(2) The voluntary surrender of the power 
of the feudal lords to the emperor and 
the end of the feudal system (1871). 

(3) The removal of the capital from Kyoto 
to Tokyo. 

(4) The substitution of a national army 
based on universal service for the old 
feudal army open only to members of 
the mihtary class. 

(5) A new code of laws. 

(6) The official removal of the old class 
distinctions, although these continued 
to exist in practice. 

(7) A new national currency and banking 
system, a national postal and telegraph 
service. 

(8) The leadership of the government in 
all the reform movements. 

(9) The introduction of a constitutional 
form of government (1890) and the rise 
of parties prepared the way for a 
democracy which is not yet reahzed 
except in a rudimentary way. 

(10) The nation was under the partial tute- 
lage of foreigners. 

(a) Its tariff was fixed by treaties. 

(b) Foreigners were not subject to 
Japanese laws (exterritoriality). 

Latourette, The Development 
of Japan, chap. 8. 

b. Economic changes. Introduction of railways, 
machinery, a modern banking system, and new 
methods of agriculture, and the beginnings of 
commerce and a merchant marine. 

144 



ORIENTAL NATIONS 

c. Intellectual changes. 

(i) The introduction of modern schools 
from the primary to the university and 
the institution of compulsory elemen- 
tary education. 

(2) The coming in of Western ideas and 
books and the rise of the newspaper. 

d. The reintroduction of Christianity and the 
revival of Shinto. 

Latourette, The Development of Japan, 
chap. 9. 

3. Japan becomes a world power (1894-19 19). 

a. The Chino- Japanese war (1894-95) in which 
Japan defeated China, became the dominant 
power in Korea, and acquired Formosa. 
Partly as a result the powers aboHshed exter- 
ritoriahty and restored to Japan full tariff 
autonomy. 

Latourette, The Development of Japan, pp. 
164-69. 

b. Japan helped the Occidental nations in the 
suppression of the Boxer uprising in China 
(1900). 

Latourette, The Development ofJapan,p. 172. 

c. Japan became the ally of Great Britain in the 
Far East (1902). 

d. Japan checked Russian aggression in China by 
the Russo-Japanese War (1904-05) and as a 
result acquired an extensive foothold in 
Southern Manchuria and annexed Korea 
(1910). 

e. Japan entered the Great War in 1914. 

(i) She helped drive the Germans out of the 
Pacific and captured their holdings 
north of the equator and in China 
(Shantung). 

145 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

(2) She supplied the Allies, especially Russia, 
with munitions. 

(3) She made extensive demands on China 
(191 5) and made further arrangements 
in 1918. Her object was so to insure to 
herself an open door to the markets and 
resources of China that these could not 
be closed to her by Occidental Powers 
after the war had ended. In doing this 
she aroused grave fears and bitter ani- 
mosities in China and serious suspicions 
in Europe and America. 

(4) She joined with the United States in send- 
ing a force to restore order and assist 
the Czecho-Slovaks in Eastern Siberia. 

(5) At the Peace Conference at Paris she 
was one of the five major powers, and 
has a similar position in the projected 
League of Nations. 

(6) At the Peace Conference, too, she stood 
solidly against the Chinese demands for 
the immediate return to China of the 
former German properties in Shantung 
and the cancellation of the Chino- 
Japanese agreement of 191 5. 

Internal changes, 1894-19 19. 

a. An immense growth in population, commerce, 
industry, and wealth, especially since 1914. 

b. An undercurrent of unrest and a greater tend- 
ency toward liberalism and democracy. 

c. A continuation of party struggles which are 
tending to give the Diet a certain control over 
the Cabinet. 

Latourette, The Development of Japan, 

chaps. 10, II, 12. 
Treat, Japan, America, and the Great War, 

146 



ORIENTAL NATIONS 

V. Japanese-American relations. 

1. A period of friendship, 1853-1905. 

a. America had as a rule treated Japan with fair- 
ness and even generosity. 

b. Japan sent many students to the United States 
to be educated and looked upon America as a 
kind of big brother. 

2. The period of mutual distrust, 1905-19. 

a. Causes of distrust. 

(i) Japanese immigration to the United 
States. This was voluntarily restricted 
by Japan in the "Gentlemen's Agree- 
ment" (1907), but Japanese cannot be 
naturalized and Cahfornia in 191 2 
passed legislation especially directed 
against them. The Japanese resent this 
poUcy and the prejudice which precluded 
their free immigration. 

(2) Fear that Japan will violate the Monroe 
Doctrine and that she has designs on the 
PhiHppines and Hawaii. So far these 
fears are groundless. 

(3) Japanese commercial growth on the 
Pacific. This is a minor cause. 

(4) Americans distrust Japanese pohcies in 
China. Many of our countrymen be- 
lieve her to have designs against Chi- 
nese independence and the doctrine of 
the Open Door. 

Many Japanese, on the other hand, re- 
sent America's interference with Japan's 
pohcies in China, are jealous of her 
popularity and influence, and fear that 
she may later become the aggressor in 
that country. 

147 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

This at present is the chief source of 
serious friction. 
b. Efforts to allay distrust. 

These have been many. They include 
missions from Japan to America and from 
America to Japan, societies in this country 
to further a better understanding with 
Japan, various formal exchanges of notes, 
and particularly the Lansing-Ishii agree- 
ment of 1917. 

I 3. The necessity for a better understanding between 
the two peoples. 
Latourette, The Development of Japan, pp. 200- 

09. 
Latourette, International Conciliation Pamphlet 

No. 124. 
Treat, Japan, America, and the Great War, 

A Selected Bibliography 

Only the books are here given which are apt to be found in 
libraries of average size and which are as well adapted to high- 
school pupils. 

Abbott, J. T., Japanese Expansion and American Policies, 

New York, 19 16. 
Asakawa, K., The Russo-Japanese Conflict. Boston, 1904. 
Brinkley, F., A History of the Japanese People. New York, 

1915- 
Brinkley, F., Japan, Its History, Arts, and Literature. 8 vols. 

Boston and Tokyo, 1 901-1902. 
Grififis, W. E., The Mikado's Empire. New York, 1913. 

(12th edition.) 2 vols. 
GuHck, S. L., The American Japanese Problem. New York, 

1914. 
GuHck, S. L., The Evolution of the Japanese. New York, 1905. 
Hayashi, Count T., For His People. 

148 



ORIENTAL NATIONS 

Hearn, L., Japan, An Attempt at Interpretation. New York, 
1904. 

Hornbeck, S. K., Contemporary Politics in the Far East. New 
York, 1 9 16. 

International Conciliation Pamphlet No. 124. Japan's Rela- 
tions to the United States. (American Association for 
International Conciliation, New York City.) 

Latourette, K. S., The Development of Japan. New York, 
1918. 

Longford, J. H., The Story of Old Japan. 

Millard, T. F., Our Eastern Question. New York, 1916. 

Millis, H. A., The Japanese Problem in the United States. New 
York, 191 5. 

Mitford, A. B. F., Tales of Old Japan. 2 vols. London, 187 1. 

Mitford, E. B., Japan^s Inheritance. New York, 19 14. 

Nitobe, I., Bushido, The Soul of Japan. New York, 1905. 

Nitobe, I., The Japanese Nation. New York, 191 2. 

Reinsch, P. S., Intellectual and Political Currents in the Far 
East. Boston, 191 1. 

Treat, J. P., Japan, America, and the World War. Boston, 
World Peace Foundation. December, 1918. 

Asia. The Journal of the American Asiatic Association. 
280 Madison Ave., New York. 



IV 

A NATION IN THE MAKING 

THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS 

The Filipinos are a nation in the making. To the 
student of nationaUty they offer a veritable labora- 
tory of nation-building. Here one may observe even 
those earlier stages of national growth which have 
long since been lost to sight in the experience of older 
nations. Almost within the lifetime of high-school 
pupils these people have passed from the medieval 
forms of society to those of the twentieth century, 
compressing into a few short years changes which in 
Europe have only come with generations of effort. 
To-day, if the entire population of the islands be 
taken into account, they illustrate almost every 
grade of political and social condition from the most 
primitive to the most highly organized. 

To the American the interest of the study is two- 
fold, since this rapid transformation in the outward 
circumstances of Philippine life is largely due to the 
fact that the islands are an experiment station in the 
science of colonial administration as well as a labora- 
tory of nationaHty. The American rulers of this 
region have consciously directed their efforts towards 

150 



A NATION IN THE MAKING 

governing a dependency and building a nation at 
one and the same time. This dual character gives 
to recent Philippine history its peculiar value. 

Yet, since even these remote islands in the Pacific 
are not outside the bounds of party conflict, one who 
would avoid error in teaching the subject must walk 
warily. Much of the literature on the Philippines 
is controversial in character. The true meaning of 
events is obscured by conflicting accounts. Even the 
virtues and vices of the "little brown brother" are 
mixed in widely varying proportions according to the 
personal predilections of his observer. If time per- 
mitted and pupils were sufficiently mature, this sub- 
ject would be an excellent training ground for exer- 
cise in the elements of historical criticism. Certainly 
no better chance to practice the weighing of evidence 
need be desired. In most high schools, however, 
circumstances will permit the teacher alone to make 
use of this opportunity to develop the critical faculty. 

Fortunately, the questions most open to contro- 
versy are precisely those least essential to the pur- 
poses of this study. The student of nations is not 
called upon to pass judgment on the wisdom and 
righteousness of the conquest of the Philippines by 
the United States, nor need he set the proper date for 
Philippine independence. It is not his to decide 
whether the possession of the islands is an element of 
strength or of weakness in our military position in 
the East. The potential worth of the Filipinos as a 

151 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

nation and the processes contributing to the develop- 
ment of their national life are the proper subject for 
his inquiry. In that direction alone he will find 
ample scope for his activities, without entering into 
the vexed questions of statesmanship. 

A good introductory topic for the youthful student 
is to be found in the geographic and economic setting 
of Philippine Kfe. This group of islands for whose 
exploration the adventurous Magellan gave up his 
life, afford a welcome relief from the humdrum ex- 
istence of every day. Here even the view of the 
schoolhouse may be mitigated by palms and tropical 
vegetation. Farming operations all too familiar at 
home take on the charm of the unusual when con- 
ducted with the aid of a carabao instead of a horse. 
In this land people may be seen cooking gold fishes 
for supper, and the fruits of toil may take the delec- 
table form of bananas or cocoanuts. Pearl fishing and 
sponge fishing raise visions of dehght not to be 
dimmed by the possibiHty of typhoons, or crocodiles 
or sharks. The lure of the tropics is potent, even 
when its only medium is the imagination. 

The historical interest in the Philippines begins for 
the American with Commodore Dewey's exploit in 
Manila Bay. Before that event the islands were held 
in subjection like eighteenth-century colonies. Since 
the Spanish-American war, with the subsequent pur- 
chase of the islands by the United States, they have 
been a ^prentice nation, still bound in tutelage to an 

152 



A NATION IN THE MAKING 

older power, but now definitely committed to the 
task of gaining proficiency in all that pertains to the 
"art and mystery" of self-government. Their his- 
tory for the last twenty years is the story of their 
progress in that task. 

It may be well to begin the study of Philippine Ufe 
with a brief survey of the non-Christian tribes. 
Thanks to the zeal of Professor Dean Worcester and 
others, material is abundant for the study of these 
picturesque people. By a comparison of their cus- 
toms with those of the more advanced nations the 
students may come to some appreciation of the long 
road their fathers have traveled in the acquisition of 
the arts of civilization. It may be worth while to 
make parallel studies of the methods of satisfying the 
primal necessities of food, clothing, and shelter which 
prevail under primitive tribal conditions and the 
ways of meeting the same needs to-day. A similar 
comparison of the organization of community life at 
various periods may be made fruitful of results. The 
utmost care should be taken, however, to have it 
definitely understood that these backward tribes no 
more represent the typical civilization of the Philip- 
pines than the American Indians represent the civili- 
zation of the United States. Both in their virtues 
and their vices the primitive people are a class apart, 
although they are now rapidly responding to the 
educational influences at work among them. The 
representative Filipinos are the Christian people who 

^53 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

form the great bulk of the population. They must 
be the chief constituent of the nation that is to be. 
To them the major part of the study must be di- 
rected. 

For a clear understanding of the significance of 
each step in the progress of these Filipinos there is 
need of a preliminary survey of their condition before 
they felt the influence of American overlordship. It 
will be seen that the preceding centuries had already 
taught them much. It will also be evident that they 
still lacked many essentials for a self-governing com- 
monwealth. As part of the legacy from pre-Ameri- 
can days we may remark upon the traces of Chinese 
influence still discernible in the Philippine habit of 
thought. Even more in evidence are the results of 
the experience of several centuries in Western Chris- 
tianity. Due recognition must be given to the work 
of the Spanish priests in estabHshing a community of 
language and ideals among the educated minority. 
Equally noteworthy is the racial and religious unity 
among the Christian tribes. This may be regarded 
as a hopeful foundation on which to build national 
unity. Likewise the freedom from a caste system or 
from a hereditary nobility may be accepted as paving 
the way for genuine social democracy. 

At the same time emphasis must be laid upon the 
fact that the best fruits of civilization, knowledge and 
power, were under the Spanish regime reserved to the 
few, while ignorance and blind obedience were as yet 

154 



A NATION IN THE MAKING 

the lot of the many. The masses had no experience 
in self-government, the governing class had no backing 
from an intelligent public opinion. Other important 
features of their condition were the close union of 
Church and State, the lack of a common language, the 
almost entire lack of any literature save that of devo- 
tion. A Httle class discussion will make clear the evils 
of these conditions in a state that is to govern itself. 

In connection with these political drawbacks may 
be considered the economic backwardness of the 
country. In Philippine industrial conditions the 
student will find reminders of the days before the 
Industrial Revolution in Europe. This is an agri- 
cultural country and in that respect resembles the 
American colonies before the Revolution. The 
country boy familiar with the ways of farmers will 
be carried back in thought to the days of his fore- 
fathers before agricultural machinery was invented. 
He can readily appreciate the hindrances to progress 
involved in ignorance of the natural sources of wealth, 
inadequate means of communication, defective cur- 
rency, and lack of steady habits of industry. 

Familiarity with American colonial history, too, 
will enable the pupil to appreciate the importance of 
the Philippine insurrections against Spain and the 
United States as a step toward national unity. Just 
as the Revolutionary War in America welded the 
thirteen colonies into a new degree of unity, so the 
solidarity of effort put forth by the Filipinos in the 

155 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

attempt to establish their liberties tended to create 
new bonds of union. The fact that this sentiment 
was turned at last against the United States does 
not alter its significance. 

As an expression of the spirit in which the United 
States undertook the task of colonial administration 
pupils should read President McKinley's instructions 
to the Taft Commission. The high standard of dis- 
interestedness set by that document should be held as 
an ideal by every future citizen of the United States. 
Its unique character gains in impressiveness if it be 
compared with eighteenth-century ideas of colonial 
government, or indeed with much of the colonial 
theory and practice of the twentieth century. In 
supplement to this original definition of policy the 
utterances of President Taft and President Wilson 
on the Philippines should also be given attention.^ 

After the United States took possession of the 
islands the first specific task of the government was 
to give to life in the Philippines the safeguards com- 
mon in other civilized communities. An interesting 
study may be made of the sanitary reforms promptly 
instituted: of the successful control of tropical dis- 
eases, and the establishment of up-to-date hospital 
and medical service, including the model leper col- 
ony. In like manner the measures taken to insure 
public order by the work of the constabulary and by 

^ Kalaw, Maximo N.: The Case for the Filipinos, Appendices 
B, C, D, and F. 12. 



A NATION IN THE MAKING 

the use of model penal institutions are a valuable 
object lesson to the student, as to the Filipino. 

Yet these undertakings were merely preliminaries. 
They were not the chief consideration of the authori- 
ties. As one of those who took part in the work has 
explained: "All the external and visible work of the 
government has been subordinated to the purpose of 
creating in the Filipinos a consciousness of race unity, 
a sense of nationahty and capacity for self-govern- 
ment." ^ In the pursuit of this triple aim it was dis- 
covered, as it has recently been discovered in the 
United States, that "all problems of reconstruction 
resolve themselves into problems of education." As 
successive problems in education then, the history of 
the Philippines under American rule may be studied. 
It seems a subject made expressly for the so-called 
problem method of history study. 

That the underlying purpose of the government 
was to nationalize the Filipino becomes evident 
when we note the attitude adopted toward all forms 
of local patriotism. The use of Philippine material in 
the schools wherever possible and especially the uni- 
form encouragement given to the popular adulation 
for the Filipino hero, Jose Rizal, are striking instances 
in point. Classes will do well to read Rizal's poem, 
"My Last Thought" ^ written just before his execu- 

1 Elliott: The Philippines to the End of the Commission Govern- 
ment, Preface. 

2 Kalaw, Maximo N.: The Case for the Filipinos, pp. 141-43. 
(Translation of "My Last Thought.") 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

tion by the Spaniards, both as a noble expression of 
passionate love of country and as an example of the 
kind of sentiment fostered by the United States in a 
dependency. The significance of this policy can be 
made clearer by contrast with the German denation- 
alizing policy in Alsace-Lorraine. The Germans 
aimed to destroy all local sentiment, the Americans 
aim to encourage devotion to a local hero in the hope 
that this sentiment will crystallize around his name 
until it becomes a genuine nationalizing force. 

The pedagogical method adopted by the govern- 
ment in its work as instructor in nationality is indi- 
cated in the watchword already familiar to teachers 
and pupils: "Learn by doing." The application of 
this formula to the political, social, and economic 
education of the Filipino is the guiding thread of 
Philippine history for the last twenty years. The 
process in itself is interesting to watch. It becomes 
still more absorbing as a subject of study if at each 
step the question is asked: *'How does this particular 
enterprise tend to develop 'a consciousness of race 
unity, a sense of nationahty and a capacity for self- 
government ' ? '^ 

Naturally the most important lesson of the na- 
tives in learning by doing was in the department of 
civil government. The American rulers almost im- 
mediately put to the test of experience their behef 
in the efficacy of self-government as an educational 
agency. Nowhere else in history, except in revolu- 

158 



A NATION IN THE MAKING 

tionary times, have a people been advanced so rap- 
idly as were the Filipinos. From government by 
commission they soon moved on to government by 
commission assisted by a representative assembly. 
Again from a representative assembly with an upper 
house responsible to outside control, it was but a step 
to a bi-cameral legislature in which both houses rep- 
resented the people. With this went equally rapid 
extension of the franchise and Filipinization of the 
local governments. Pupils will see that this rapid 
promotion of the FiHpino to a position of responsibil- 
ity in the pubHc service has the same educational 
aim as the early naturalization of foreigners in the 
United States. 

Yet even high-school boys and girls will readily 
understand that the most democratic forms of civil 
government cannot be genuine instruments of popu- 
lar will, if the large mass of the people in the state 
have neither the opportunity to inform themselves 
on public questions nor the power to judge of their 
merits. Those who have studied the history of the 
Greek city-states will have at hand forcible illustra- 
tions of this point. They will be quick to see the 
necessity in the Philippines of educating a stable and 
intelligent middle class in order to save the masses 
from the political exploitation of the few. They will 
recognize then the problem with which the govern- 
ment was confronted, namely, how best to develop 
an enlightened public opinion. They ought to ap- 

159 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

preciate the value of the solution adopted to meet 
the problem, — the free public school as a training 
ground for democracy. From discussion of Ameri- 
canization problems at home they will understand 
the reason for the requirement of the study of English 
everywhere, as a bond of union, and also as a means 
of entry for the Filipino into the treasury of Anglo- 
Saxon democratic thought. School lessons in his- 
tory and the duties of citizenship, the school library as 
an encouragement to the reading habit, — these are 
clearly introduced in order to further the diffusion of 
political intelligence. Similar provisions in his own 
school will have for the pupil added significance, as 
he watches the application of these familiar agencies 
to the task of building a new nation in the Pacific. 

In like manner all branches of the public service 
may be studied as subdivisions in the government's 
system of education for self-governing citizenship. 
In all of them is discernible the same intent to hasten 
the day when Filipinos shall hold, not merely sub- 
ordinate positions, but those requiring powers of 
leadership. They all provide both object lessons and 
practice work for the years of apprenticeship in 
nation-building. 

The Department of Agriculture and Natural Re- 
sources may be taken as an illustration of the method 
of instruction. Here the Bureaus of Agriculture and 
Forestry and Science, by experiment and research, 
are discovering to the inhabitants of the Philippines 

1 60 



A NATION IN THE MAKING 

the rich sources of wealth which they have in reserve, 
and by educational campaigns are spreading this 
knowledge throughout the islands. The Bureau of 
Agriculture, for instance, a group made up as largely 
as possible of Filipinos, devotes itself to experiments 
in farming methods suited to the country. Then, by 
farm settlements, extension work with lectures and 
"movies" the message is carried to remote villages. 
Meantime the schools, by agricultural instruction 
and school gardens, are preparing the younger gener- 
ation to teach their fathers. Other bureaus of this 
department furnish equally good illustrations of the 
educational character of the public service, and of the 
relation of the public school to the need of the com- 
munity. Since, if the national life is to be sound, 
economic progress and political progress must keep 
pace with each other, this economic education is a 
genuine contribution to the work of nationaHza- 
tion. 

Along commercial lines the procedure has been the 
same. The government has first improved the en- 
vironment, preparing the way for reconstruction by 
providing roads, steamboat Hnes and harbor f acihties. 
Then the schools have not only provided the army 
of typists and stenographers needed for the clerical 
part of the work, they have given specific instruction 
in the grading of hemp and tobacco, so as to increase 
the market value of the product. In the last year 
before graduation they see to it that high-school 

i6i 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

pupils are well informed as to the commercial and 
industrial opportunities offered by their country. 

In this connection, if reliable evidence were obtain- 
able, it would be interesting to make a comparison of 
the commercial treatment of the Philippines by the 
Congress of the United States with the treatment 
accorded the English colonies in America by the 
British Parliament. The Payne-Aldrich Bill and the 
Underwood Tariff Act are of course available for 
study, but what is needed is a thorough non-partisan 
discussion of the government's tariff poHcy as it has 
worked in actual practice, with reference both to the 
Philippines and to the commercial interests of the 
United States. For such a study no satisfactory 
material exists within the reach of pupils. The 
teacher must be content to point with pride to the 
increasing commercial prosperity of the islands, while 
at the same time quick to see any dangers that may 
exist in the present situation. 

In the furtherance of industrial prosperity the 
schools are seen to be doing constructive work. 
This is especially true in the case of the household 
industries which play a much larger part in the Phil- 
ippines than in countries which have developed a 
factory system. Here, as in France, the student will 
observe a marked degree of manual dexterity. And 
as the schools in France were seen to foster with great 
care this characteristic of their national genius, so in 
the Philippines the natural skill in fine handicrafts 

162 



A NATION IN THE MAKING 

already developed by the natives is given every ad- 
vantage of training. The schools are even going into 
business, making a study of the designs most salable, 
and standardizing the work of the schools to meet 
the demands of foreign markets. Already Philippine 
embroideries are almost as common in American 
shops as those of French workmanship. 

Another illustration of this educational policy 
which is interesting to students of fine handicrafts 
is the instruction in basketry given in the public 
schools. The bulletin of the Philippine Board of 
Education dealing with this subject calls attention 
to the bewildering variety of grasses, ferns, and fibrous 
plants found in the islands which yield suitable ma- 
terial for basket work, indicates the various ways in 
which these resources can be made commercially 
valuable, and gives specific instructions as to meth- 
ods of work. The object is not merely to provide 
children with a livelihood. The director of education 
looks further into the economic and social conditions 
which the public school ought to serve, aiming ''to 
give each pupil such school training as will make him, 
within the limits of his capacities, the most efiicient 
producing unit possible, in the broad sense of pro- 
ducing the knowledge and skill needed by the com- 
munity." ^ This industrial education has therefore a 
very real part in the work of nation-building. 

^ Marquardt, W. W.: Eighteenth Annual Report of Director of 
Education^ p. 46. 

163 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

These illustrations of the constructive educational 
work of the government in the Philippines may be 
extended almost indefinitely. Every department of 
the pubHc service may be studied as an educational 
agency. Every one is seen to have its part in the 
construction of the nation. The extent to which the 
study shall be carried need only be limited by the 
amount of available time. 

In considering the Philippines the question of par- 
amount importance in all minds is this : How far has 
the experiment in nation-building succeeded? If 
the subject had only academic interest, one would 
still want to know how the story came out. But now 
that the 'prentice nation is loudly proclaiming its 
proficiency in self-government, and demanding its 
freedom papers, information as to the present status 
of the Filipino is of vital interest. Pupils who may 
be called upon to pass judgment on this matter in 
the years to come should know at least the kind of 
evidence to be taken into the account. 

For the most part the study of present tendencies 
in the Philippines must be based upon reports of con- 
ditions in the years 191 5-1 7. For that period the offi- 
cial publications of the government offer some guid- 
ance. From them we may judge, at least tentatively, 
how far the Filipino has advanced to a position of mas- 
tery over his economic resources, and more impor- 
tant still, how far he has learned to govern himself in 
accordance with the interests of the nation as a whole. 

164 



A NATION IN THE MAKING 

There are many indications of economic progress. 
The student will find reason to believe that the Fili- 
pino is filling more and more the important places in 
industries conducted along modern lines. In the 
lumber trade, for example, while many small com- 
panies still carry on the work in primitive fashion, 
there are also large concerns with fully equipped ma- 
chinery and technical service in which all but the 
very highest places are filled by Filipinos. Among 
recent ventures may be noted also the establishment 
of a cement mill on Filipino initiative and with native 
capital. Another promising sign is the increasing 
inclination of the native Filipino who has money to 
invest to seek opportunities at home rather than in 
foreign countries. That the industrial unrest com- 
mon to the rest of the world has reached the islands 
is indicated by the fact that the year 191 7 saw thirty- 
seven strikes in the city of Manila alone. That most 
of these disturbances were easily settled by a reason- 
able increase in wages would seem to indicate the 
same general upward trend of labor in the East as in 
the West. This general tendency, as it shows itself 
in the Philippines, has been commented on by one 
observer as follows: "Wants are multiplying. What 
was good enough for Juan's father is not good 
enough for Juan. This incentive is constituting a 
large factor in the development that is slowly begin- 
ning to appear. Tobacco, sugar, Manila hemp and 
copra are increasingly being converted into the real- 

16s 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

ization of present needs, which but yesterday were 
luxuries." ^ 

Yet pupils must not jump to the conclusion that 
the Filipino is already completely master of his own 
economic resources. In the most highly organized 
industries he has not yet reached the positions of the 
highest responsibility, although he is rapidly ap- 
proaching it. In certain lines he is still outdistanced 
by the foreigner. Thus we were told in the year 191 6 
**the best business men are the Chinese" and "the 
Chinese pay the largest part of the internal revenue." 
The same observer reported "an insistent and in- 
creasing inroad of Japanese capital." "Already," he 
says, "the Japanese control much of the fisheries and 
the pearl fisheries, and have entered the sugar and 
lumber fields quite extensively, besides other indus- 
tries." 1 

These bits of testimony are not offered as a final 
summary of the degree of economic independence 
which the Filipino has achieved, but as samples of 
the kind of evidence which must be given considera- 
tion before any final judgment can be reached. 

The same judicial method must be employed in 
gauging the present political development of the 
people. Such qualities as "consciousness of race 
imity, sense of nationality and capacity for self-gov- 

* Robertson, James Alexander: "The Philippines since the Inaug- 
uration of the Philippine Assembly"; in American Historical Re- 
view, July, 191 7, pp. 826-28. 

166 



A NATION IN THE MAKING 

eminent " may not easily be measured. It is impossi- 
ble as yet to say exactly how far the Filipinos have 
progressed in these respects. Mr. James A. Rob- 
ertson, a well-known authority on the Philippines, 
speaking in 191 6 before the American Historical 
Association, said: "The Filipino politician has noth- 
ing to learn from Americans. He knows the game. 
The vital question is whether there is enough of that 
quality that may be termed statesmanship to steer 
a nation safely through the quicksands and over the 
shoals of an independent government. There are 
some indications against it, but there are on the other 
hand a few men who have reached a higher level than 
that of the mere politician. The opportunity for a 
fuller testing has come with the Jones Act, by which 
the Philippine Commission has been abolished and 
an elective Philippine Senate erected as the upper 
house of the Philippine Legislature. There must be 
doubt, however, just so long as an American Gov- 
ernor General has the last word over legislation." ^ 

This cautious opinion may now be supplemented 
by the testimony of Mr. Maximo N. Kalaw in his 
recent book, Self-Government in the Philippines, in 
which he traces the progress of the years of home 
rule under the Jones Act. His account of the wisdom 
and political capacity displayed by his countrymen 
cannot but be grateful to all friends of the Filipinos, 

^ " The Philippines since the Inauguration of the Philippine 
Assembly"; in American Historical Review, July, 1917, p. 830. 

167 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

whatever their political opinions. But it must be 
remembered that this is strictly ex parte testimony. 
Mr. Kalaw is the avowed champion of Philippine 
independence and his book is written with the defi- 
nite intent to further that movement. As such it 
must be somewhat lacking in the judicial quahty of 
Mr. Robertson's treatment of the subject. 

The high-school pupil must be taught to recognize 
the difference between these two kinds of evidence. 
He will find the process distasteful, for he is naturally 
a person of quick decisions and definite opinions. 
The greater is the need therefore to impress upon him 
the necessity for holding his opinion in abeyance. 

Nor is this the only lesson which Philippine history 
has to teach him. He has had under observation 
here a backward people, whom he must judge, as 
Mr. Kingsley has said, not by their achievements, 
but by their potential value to the world. It is the 
study of formative processes, quite different from the 
previous work in which he has been dealing with 
peoples whose national type was already fixed, and 
whose distinctive national genius he has been able to 
recognize. Its intellectual result for the student 
should be a better understanding of the forces which 
make for progress in the social evolution of mankind. 
Its ethical reward should be a more intelligent sym- 
pathy with ^'all sorts and conditions of men." 



i68 



A NATION IN THE MAKING 

THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS 
Topical Outline and Reading References 

A. Geographic Situation. 

Climate. 

Natural resources. 

Position with reference to China and Japan. 
References: 
Miller and Storms, Economic Conditions in the Philip- 
pines. 
Wright, A Handbook of the Philippines, pp. 1-14. 

B. Occupation of the Philippines by the United States. 

The Spanish-American War. 
Purchase of the Philippines by the United States. 
Suppression of the insurrection under Aguinaldo. 
References: Fernandez, A Brief History of the Philippines y 
pp. 240-73. 
Latane, America as a World Power, pp. 33-38, 69-99, 

153-54- 
Payne, Colonies of the World, pp. 311-21. 

C. The Inhabitants of the PhiHppines at the End of the Span- 

ish Regime. 
Races. 

Religious condition. 
Varying degrees of civilization. 

a. The wild tribes. 

b. The Christian Filipinos. 

Political condition. 

Lack of unity. 

Lack of experience in self-government. 
Social and economic condition. 

Education limited to a minority. 

Agriculture and industry in a backward state. 

Conditions of life much like those of the Mid- 
dle Ages. 

169 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

References: Bourne, The Philippine Islands. 

Crow, America and the Philippines, pp. 41-49. 

Miller and Storms, Economic Conditions in the Philip- 
pines, pp. 1-23. 

Robertson, "The Philippines since the Inauguration of 
the Philippine Assembly"; in American Historical 
Review, July, 191 7, pp. 811-15. 

Worcester, The Philippines, Past and Present, vol. II, pp. 
532-636. 

Worcester, "The Non-Christian People of the Phihppine 
Islands with an Account of What Has Been Done for 
Them under American Rule"; in National Geographic 
Magazine, November, 1913, pp. 11 57-1 256. 

Worcester, "Field Sports among the Wild Men of 
Northern Luzon"; in National Geographic Magazine, 
March, 191 1, pp. 215-67. 

Worcester, "Head Hunters of Northern Luzon"; in 
National Geographic Magazine, September, 191 2, pp. 
833-930. 

D. Progress of the FiHpinos as an Apprentice Nation. 
I. Physical reconstruction. 

II. Enforcement of public order. 
The Constabulary. 
References: 

Chamberlin, The Philippine Problem, pp. 113-23. 
Crow, America and the Philippines, pp. 99-124. 
Elliott, The Philippines to the End of the Commission 

Government, pp. 184-218. 
Forbes, "A Decade of American Rule in the Philippine 
Islands"; in Atlantic Monthly, February, 1909, pp. 
205-06. 
Jenks, "The Phihppine Islands under the American 
Government"; in Colonies of the World, pp. 363-66, 
371-73- 

170 



A NATION IN THE MAKING 

Worcester, The Philippines, Past and Present, vol. i, 
pp. 380-83, 408-48. 

III. Reconstruction of the Government. 

1. Successive changes in form of government. 

a. MiHtary rule (1899-1901). 

b. Government by commission (1900-07). 

c. Territorial form of government (1907-13). 

d. Majority in commission given to Fili- 

pinos (1913)- 

e. Elective legislature of two houses (1910). 

2. Extension of franchise. 

3. Filipinization of local government. 

4. FiUpinization of judiciary. 

5. The Philippine civil service. 

References: rr 7 7, • 

Brent, "Tutoring the PhiHppines"; m Yale Revtew, 

July, 1917, PP- 722-25. ^ , ^ , ^ 

ElUott, The Philippines to the End of the Commission 

Government, pp. 77, 96-126, 402-18, 431-41. 
Fernandez, A Brief History of the Philippines, pp. 274- 

81 
Forbes, "A Decade of American Rule in the Philippine 

Islands"; in Atlantic Monthly, February, 1909, pp. 

205-06. 
Jenks, "The Philippine Islands under the American 

Government"; in Colonies of the World, pp. 355- 

61, 373-75, 387-94- 
Kalaw, The Case for the Filipino, pp. 272-82. 
Kalaw, Self -Government in the Philippines, pp. 18- 

58, 92-108. 
Latane, The United States as a World Power, pp. iSS^ 

Ogg, National Progress, pp. 236-40. 
New Organic Law for the Philippines, 1916, Pubhc 
Document, No. 240, 64th Congress. 
171 



THE STUDY OF NATIONS 

Robertson, "The Philippines since the Inauguration 
of the Philippine Assembly " ; in American Historical 
Review, July, 1917, pp. 814-22. 

United States Statutes at Large, vol. 39, Part I, pp. 545- 
56. 

IV. Economic reconstruction. 
Purchase of friar lands. 
Improvement of agriculture. 
Revision of currency. 

Improvement in means of communication. 
Investigation of natural resources. 
References: 

Crow, America and the Philippines, pp. 199-227. 
Elliott, The Philippines to the End of the Commission 

Government, chaps. 4, 6, 7, 8. 
Fernandez, A Brief History of the Philippines, pp. 
281-89. 

V. Educational reconstruction. 

Extension of educational opportunity to all 

classes. 
Work directed toward training in citizenship. 
Teaching of the Enghsh language. 
Instruction in the duties of citizenship. 
Encouragement of cooperative effort. 
Inculcation of a sense of public responsibility. 
Work for betterment of economic conditions. 
Instruction in economic condition of the Phil- 
ippines. 
Instruction in agriculture and household indus- 
tries. 
Instruction in commercial branches. 
References: 

Brent, "Tutoring the Philippines"; in Yale Review, 

July, 1917, pp. 720-22. 
Bureau of Education, Philippine Islands, Bulletins, 

172 



A NATION IN THE MAKING 

Director of Education, Philippine Islands, Annual 
Reports. 

Elliott, The Philippines to the End of the Commission 
Government, pp. 219-337. 

Miller and Storms, Economic Conditions in the Philip- 
pines, Preface. 

Robertson, "The Philippines since the Inauguration 
of the Philippine Assembly"; in American Historical 
Review, July, 191 7, pp. 826-28. 

E. Conditions in 1917. 

Indications as to proficiency of the Filipino in self- 
government. 
Indications as to degree of mastery over economic re- 
sources. 
References: 
Fernandez, A Brief History of the Philippines, pp. 299- 

307- 
Harrison, Francis Burton, Governor General of the 

Philippines, Report for 1917. 
Kalaw, Self -Government in the Philippines, 
Mclntyre, Frank, Special Report to the Secretary of War 

on the Philippine Islands, igi6. 
Robertson, "The Philippines since the Inauguration of 

the Philippine Assembly"; in American Historical 

Review J July, 191 7, pp. 828-30. 



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BIBLIOGRAPHICAL LIST 

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BIBLIOGRAPHICAL LIST 

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BIBLIOGRAPHICAL LIST 

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Mitford, Algernon Bertram Ferdinand, ist Baron Redesdale. 
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Mitford, C. Eustace Bruce. Japan's Inheritance: The Coun- 
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Montague, Francis Charles. The Elements of English Con- 
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Montgomery, David Henry. The Leading Facts of French 
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Moran, Thomas Francis. The Theory and Practice of the Eng- 
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Muir, Ramsay. The Expansion of Europe. Houghton 
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Munro, Dana Carleton. A History of the Middle Ages. 
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182 



BIBLIOGRAPHICAL LIST 

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The Japanese Nation. Its land, its people, and its life, 

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National Progress igoy-igiy. Harper & Bros., 1918. 

The Governments of Europe. The Macmillan Company, 

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Social Progress in Contemporary Europe. The Macmillan 

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Ogg, Frederick Austin, and Beard, Charles Austin. National 

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Parker, Edward Harper. China: Her History, Diplomacy and 
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183 



BIBLIOGRAPHICAL LIST 

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BIBLIOGRAPHICAL LIST 

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i8s 



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OUTLINE 

I. THE METHOD OF APPROACH ' 

1. Arrangement of material to meet the present inter- 
est of the pupil I 

2. The present situation used as an introduction to the 
study of the past 1-3 

3. Advantages and disadvantages of this method of 
approach 3-7 

4. The method of the "Study of Nations" not the 
teaching of history backwards 7 

5. The starting point not the current event, but the 
present condition 7-8 

II. THE FRUITS OF EXPERIENCE 

1. The "Study of Nations" an adaptation of the 
methods of Community Civics to the study of mod- 
ern European history 8 

2. Need for the re^/ision of the method and content 

of high-school history 9 

3. Advantages of treating each nation separately lo-i i 

4. Discussion of possible objections to the proposed 
method ii-iS 

5. Tentative conclusions drawn from classroom ex- 
perience 15-20 

6. The "Study of Nations "as an aid to Americani- 
zation 20-21 

7. Summary 21-22 

EUROPEAN NATIONS 

I. FRANCE 

1. The necessity of a careful choice of subject for the 

first lessons 23 

2. Reasons for beginning with the study of France 23-25 

3. The key-note: George Meredith's "Ode to France, 
1870" 25 

4. Discussion of special topics 25-26 

5. Use of the Museum of Fine Arts 26-27 

187 



OUTLINE 

6. The historical development of the French Nation 27-28 

7. Study of the French historic tradition through the 
consideration of great historic personages 28-31 

8. France as the missionary to Europe of the doctrine 

of Liberie, Egalite, FraternUe 3i~33 

9. The significance of the Napoleonic ideal in French 
history 33-34 

10. Experiments in self-government to 1870 34 

11. The Franco-Prussian War 34 

12. The Third Republic as a school of moral develop- 
ment 35 

13. Characteristics of the present French government . 35 

14. Topical Outline and Reading References 36-46 

II. ENGLAND 

1. Advantages and disadvantages of the teacher of 
English history 46-47 

2. Two main Hnes of development in English history. . 47 

3. The development of English liberties from Magna 
Carta to the present day 47-50 

4. Effect of the study on the prejudices of the student 51 

5. Phases of industrial development in England 52 

6. Problems growing out of the industrial revolution . . 53 

7. The "War on Poverty " 53-54 

8. Expansion of the British Empire 54-55 

9. The question of home rule for Ireland 55-56 

10. Topical OutHne and Reading References 56-70 

III. GERMANY 

1. Spirit in which the study of Germany is approached 70-71 

2. The government of the late German Empire 72 

3. MiHtarism in Germany 72-73 

4. Historical development of autocracy and mihtarism 73-76 

5. Comparative study of government in Great Britain 

and in the German Empire 76-81 

6. Material efficiency in Germany 81 

7. The movement for expansion 81 

8. The German city 82 

9. State socialism 82 

188 



OUTLINE 

10. The educational system 82-83 

11. Chart to illustrate the meaning of democracy as 
shown by contrast between the governments of 
Great Britain and of the German Empire 84-85 

12. Topical Outline and Reading References 86-92 

IV. RUSSIA 

1. Influence of geography on Russian history 93-94 

2. Peculiar difficulties in the study of Russia 94-95 

3. The revolution of 19 17 as an approach to Russian 
poHtical history 95-96 

4. Comparison of the Russian and the French revolu- 
tions 96 

5. The second revolution in Russia 97 

6. Chart for a comparative study of the Russian and 

the French revolutions 98 

7. Topical Outline and Reading References 99-102 

V. ITALY 

1. Historical explanation of the difference between the 
Italy of to-day and the Italy of 1815 102-04 

2. The need for chronological reviews 104 

3. Suggestive chart for chronological review 105 

4. Topical Outline and Reading References for the 
study of Italy 106-07 

VI. THE AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN EMPIRE 

1. 'The dual monarchy not a nation 108 

2. Essential points to be studied 108-09 

3. Study of the Slovaks in Cleveland 109-10 

4. International importance of the Austro-Hungarian 
Empire no 

5. Topical Outline and Reading References 1 10-12 

VII. TURKEY AND THE BALKAN STATES 

1 . Importance of the study of the Balkan states 112 

2. The method and aim of the study 112 

3. Geographic study of conflicting claims in the Balkans 113 

4. Topical Outhne and Reading References 114 

189 



OUTLINE 

VIII. "THE STUDY OF NATIONS" AND 
THE GREAT WAR 

1. The historic background of the war sketched by the 
"Study of Nations " 118-19 

2. Enumeration of forces tending to international good 
feeling 119 

3. The forces tending to international discord 119-20 

4. Topical Outline and Reading References 120-24 

ORIENTAL NATIONS 

I. CHINA 

1. Suggestions to teachers 125-26 

2. Topical Outline and Reading References 127-36 

II. JAPAN 

1. Suggestions to Teachers 137 

2. Topical Outline and Reading References 138-49 

A NATION IN THE MAKING 

THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS 

1. Special interest of the study of the Philippines 150-51 

2. Dif&culty arising from the controversial character 

of the source material 151 

3. The aim of the study iSi~S2 

4. The geographic and economic setting of PhiUppine 

life 152 

5. The Philippines as a 'prentice nation 152-53 

6. Survey of the non-Christian tribes 153 

7. Conditions at the time of the American occupation . 1 54-56 

8. The spirit and aim of the administration of the 
Philippines by the United States 156-58 

g. Educational methods of the United States in the 

Philippines 158-64 

10. Indications as to the results of the experiment. . . . 164-68 

1 1 . Lessons to be learned from PhiUppine history 168 



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